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Our mountains are crown'd with imperial oak;
Whose roots, like our liberties, ages have nourishd;
Should invasion impend,
Every grove would descend
For ne'er shall tho sons, &c.
Lest our Liberty's growth should be check’d by corrosion;
Foes assail us in vain,
Though their fleets bridge the main,
For ne'er shall the sons, &c.
Its bolts could ne'er rend Freedom's temple asunder;
His sword from the sleep
Of its scabbard would leap,
For ne'er shall the sons, &c.
No intrigues can her sons from their government sever;
Then unite heart and hand,
Like Leonidas' band,
That ne'er shall the sons of Columbia be slaves,
WILLIAM SULLIVAN, 1774--1839.
Jous Sullivan, a gentleman of liberal education and of cultivated manners, came to this country from Ireland about the year 1730, and settled in Berwick, Maine. He left two sons, George and James. James entered the legal profession, and became Governor of Massachusetts. He died in 1808, leaving five sons and
| The following anecdote is related of this ode :-Paine had written all he intended, and, being at the house of Major Russell, the editor of the Boston Centinel,” showed him the verses. They were highly approved, but pronounced imperfect, as the name of Washington was omitted. Paine was just then on the point of helping himself to some of the drinks upon the sideboard, when Major Russell pleasantly interposed, and said that he must take nothing till he had written a stanza introducing the name of Washington. Paine walked back and forth a few minutes, when he suddenly called for a pen, and immediately wrote this brilliant stanza, second to none in the ode.
one daughter. The second of these sons, William, the subject of this notice, was born at Saco, Maine, on the 12th of November, 1774, graduated at Harvard in 1792, and was admitted to the ba in 1795. He devoted himself assiduously to his profession, and became eminently successful in it, enjoying, from his unsullied purity and integrity of character, the highest confidence of his fellowcitizens.
About tho time of his entering upon his professional career, the country was divided into two great political parties,—the “ Federalists" and the “ Republicans," —whose zeal for their respective causes engendered the bitterest feelings of animosity. Mr. Sullivan early took sides with the Federalists, became a prominent member of the party, and was consequently brought in contact with all its leading and best men. He early visited Philadelphia, and enjoyed the friendship of Washington and many others who subsequently rose to the highest distinction in the country.
Though for many years Mr. Sullivan's time was much engrossed by his professional duties, he never gave up entirely his literary pursuits; and so strong was his attachment to letters, that during the last ten years of his life he declined all professional engagements, devoting hiinself, with great ardor, from twelve to fourteen hours daily, to studies chiefly pertaining to history and moral philosophy. But his intense application without sufficient exercise undermined his constitution, and he died on the 3d of September, 1839, aged sixty
Mr. Sullivan's publications, besides his occasional Addresses and Essays, were,— 1. The Political Class-Book: intended to instruct the Higher Classes in Schools in the Origin, Nature, and Use of Political Porcer: 2. The Moral Class-Book, or the Laro of Morals : 3. Historical Class-Book; containing sketches of ancient history to the end of the Western Roman Empire, 476 A.D.: 4. Historical Causes and Effects from the Fall of the Roman Empire, 476, to the Reformation, 1517. These are all admirable works for schools, full of sound instruction, and pervaded by a pure moral tone that cannot fail to exert a happy influence on the youthful mind. But the work most likely to perpetuate his name is the volume entitled The Public Men of the Revolution, including Events from the Peace of 1783 to the Peace of 1815: in a Series of Letters. This is a work which all should read who desire an accurate acquaintance with these eventful times, and to learn those stern facts which too many of our historians, for the sake of popularity, have cautiously avoided.
The intelligent and honest men who hazarded their lives in the field, or councils, or in both, to free this country from the monarchy and tyranny of Great Britain ; the men who united to form for thirteen free, sovereign, and independent States an elective, national, republican government; the men who thus resisted English monarchy and tyranny, and who thus formed this republican and national union, were FEDERALISTS.
The President of the convention which framed this constitution must have been well informed, by the discussions which he heard, of the true meaning and practical application of every sentence and phrase in that instrument. He was the first President of the United States, selected to execute the powers which that instrument conferred. The Senate and House of Representatives were composed of men, many of whom had been zealous patriots throughout the Revolutionary struggle, and most of whom had been members of the national or state conventions, or who were otherwise informed of the true meaning and intent of the constitution. The first Vice-President was a man who had devoted himself to the cause of the Revolution, and who may be said to have stood second to no one in efforts, as a civilian, to free the country from foreign dominion, and to enable it to govern itself as a republic. The President, the Vice-President, and a large majority of both branches of Congress, were FEDERALISTS.
This new form of government was organized. All the various powers delegated by the constitution were defined by wise laws, and carried into effect. The whole country arose, almost miraculously, from a state of confusion, despondency, idleness, and imminent peril, to one of peace, confidence, industry, security, and unexampled prosperity. The wreck and ruin which the Revolutionary struggle brought on, both of private and public credit, disappeared; and all the benefits, which those who led the country through the Revolution had desired or imagined, were fully realized. The people of the United States, in their new and flourishing republic, took their place among the nations of the earth. This was the achievement of FEDERALISTS.
In the first twelve years of the national administration, the wars of Europe hazarded the peace of the United States. The
aggressions of the belligerents, the insolent and seductive character of French enthusiasm, secret combinations, and claims for gratitude (to revolutionary France) called for all the firmness, wisdom, and personal influence of WASHINGTON, and for the best exertions of his political associates, to save the United States from the loss of all the benefits which had been acquired by previous toils and sacrifices. Compensation for wrongs was amicably made by one of the belligerents, and a treaty, highly beneficial and honorable, was negotiated and ratified. With another, peace and compensation were sought, and insolently denied; all connection by treaty was annulled; the attitude of war was assumed; and then the rights of the country were immediately recognised even by fraudulent and unprincipled France. The prosperity of the country and the benefits of enriching neutrality were secured, amidst all the desolating conflicts of Europe. This was the work of FEDERALISTS.
TIIE WASHINGTON ADMINISTRATION.
In the discretionary exercise of executive power, the Washing. ton administration was wise and tolerant. In filling offices, the President preferred, when he could, the Revolutionary chiefs, of whose integrity and ability he had ample proofs. No one will say that such men did not deserve the honors and emoluments of office, which their own perilous efforts helped to establish. He did not, like some of his successors, profess to ask: Is he honest, is he capable, is he faithful to the constitution? He appointed men that were so. He displaced no man for the expression of his opinions, even in the feverish excitement of French delusion.
With regard to all other foreign governments,—the judiciary; the national bank; the Indian tribes; the mint; in his deportment to his own ministers; his communications to Congress; his construction of the constitution ; his sacred regard for it; his devotion to the whole Union ; his magnanimity and forbearance; his personal dignity ;-in all these, and in relation to all other subjects, how great and honorable was his example, how transcendently above all praise that man can bestow! And yet how utterly have his views and his example been disregarded within these thirty years !
This venerable and eloquent clergyman was born at New Haven, on the 12th of October, 1775. After going through the usual course of preparatory studies, he entered Yale College, and, after graduating, he studied divinity under Dr. Dwight. He entered the ministry in 1798, and in the following year was settled at East Hampton, Long Island. Here, in 1806, (two years after Hamilton was killed by Burr,) he preached that admirable sermon, entitled Remedy for Duelling, which, had he published nothing else, is enough to preserve his name to posterity. In 1810, he took charge of the First Congregational Church in Litehfield, Connecticut, where he remained about sixteen years, and preached with great success, exerting, as such a mind of course must, a commanding influence upon his ministerial brethren, and the church at large. During this period, he assisted in the establishment of the Connecticut Missionary Society, the Connecticut Education Society, the American Bible Society, and other associations of a similar charac. ter. In 1826, he accepted the call to the Hanover Street Church, Boston, where
While at East Hampton, he published three other discourses, The History of East Hampton; The Government of God Desirable ; and a funeral Sermon.
2 While at Litchfield, he published sermons on the Reformation of Morals; Building up of Waste Places ; A Funeral Discourse ; T'he Bible a Code of Laus; The Faith once Delivered to the Saints; The Designs, Rights, and Dutics of Local Churches; and The Means of National Prosperity.
his labors for two or three years were most arduous and unremitted in the cause of religion, and the revival of the early Puritan faith, in that great literary and commercial city. Among other labors, he assisted in establishing The Spirit of the Pilgrims, (a monthly religious journal,) and preached, and prepared for the press, Six Sermons on the Nature, Occasions, Signs, Evils, and Remedy of Intemperance,' of the power and eloquence of which it is enough to say tbat, notwithstanding all that has been written and published since on this great theme, these sermons yet remain unrivalled.? In 1832, he was called to the Presidency of Lane Theological Seminary, Cincinnati; and for ten years, in conjunction with his academic duties, he sustained the pastoral care of the Second Presbyterian Church in that city. Ho resigned the pastoral office in 1814, and the Presidency of the Seminary in 1847, and returned to Boston in 1850, where he now resides. Such is the brief chronological outline of Dr. Beecher’s life.3
Dr. Beecher's chief publications consist of sermons and addresses, and a work on Political Atheism. A collection of his writings, in four compact duodecimo volumes, was published in Boston, in 1852.
THE SIN OF TRAFFICKING IN ARDENT SPIRITS.
Has not God connected with all lawful avocations the welfare of the life that now is, and of that which is to come ? we lawfully amass property by a course of trade which fills the land with beggars, and widows, and orphans, and crimes; which
" It has been well said: “Had Dr. Beecher no other distinction, bis connection with the great moral movement of our age—the Temperance Reform (of which he may be considered one of the founders, if not the founder)—would entitle him to an enviable eminence in the history of his times."
2 The following racy criticism upon Dr. Beecher's writings appeared in the “ Bibliotheca Sacra,” 1852 :—“ His mind is thoroughly of the New England stamp; and, whatever subject it touches, its constant struggle is for definiteness, clearness, and utility. Beautiful tropes which adorn nothingness and cover up emptiness,-fine language which would express a thought handsomely, if there were any thought there to be expressed by it, -for such things as these you will look in vain among Dr. Beecher's works. In his style there is conciseness and pungency, brilliancy and vigor, clearness and sharpness, rhetoric and logic, in remarkable combination."
3 In the progress of his life, he writes :-“I have laid no plans of my own, but simply consecrated myself to Christ and his cause, confiding in his guidance and preservation; and meeting, as I might be able, such exigencies as his providence placed before me, which has always kept my head, bands, and heart full.”—Brief Memoirs of the Class 1797, of Yale College.
“He has devoted his long life, with prodigious activity and vigor, to the promotion of religion, learning, and the larger humanities of life. As a preacher he was very effective, possessing surpassing powers of statement, illustration, and argument."-Goodrich's Recollections.
Of the many anecdotes illustrative of his ready wit, the following is told. Going home one evening, with a volume of " Rees's Encyclopædia" under his arm, at skunk crossed his path, when the Doctor quickly threw the book at him. Upon this the animal retorted, and with such effect that he reached hoine in a very sorry plight. Some time after, he was assailed, rather abusively, by a controversialist, and a friend advised the Doctor to reply. “No," said he, “I once discharged a quarto at a skunk, and I got the worst of it, and I do not wish to try it again."