so, as it is natural to suppose, being the very cisterns in which this pollution is collected and from which it is distributed to others. Can it be lawful, then, in any one to contribute in the least degree to support men in this unhallowed employment? Is not the theatre truly and essentially what it has been often called rhetorically, the school of impiety, where it is their very business to learn wickedness? And will a Christian, upon any pretended advantage to himself, join in this confederacy against God, and assist in endowing and upholding the dreadful seminary? PRINCIPLES REGULATING MONEY.1 I will now sum up, in single propositions, the substance of what has been asserted, and I hope sufficiently proved, in the preceding discourse. 1. It ought not to be imputed to accident or caprice that gold, silver, and copper formerly were, and the two first continue to be, the medium of commerce; but to their inherent value, joined with other properties, that fit them for circulation. Therefore, all the speculations formed upon a contrary supposition are inconclusive and absurd. 2. Gold and silver are far from being in too small quantity at present for the purpose of a circulating medium in the commercial nations. The last of them-silver-seems rather to be in too great quantity, so as to become inconvenient for transportation. 3. The people of every nation will get the quantity of these precious metals that they are entitled to by their industry, and no more. If by any accident, as plunder in war, or borrowing from other nations, or even finding it in mines, they get more, they will not be able to keep it. It will in a short time find its level. Laws against exporting the coin will not prevent this. Laws of this kind, though they are still in force in some nations supposed to be wise, yet are in themselves ridiculous. If you import more than you export, you must pay the balance, or give up the trade. 4. The quantity of gold and silver at any time in a nation is no evidence of national wealth, unless you take into consideration the way in which it came there, and the probability of its continuing. 5. No paper of any kind is, properly speaking, money. It ought never to be made a legal tender. It ought not to be forced upon anybody, because it cannot be forced upon everybody. 6. Gold and silver, fairly acquired and likely to continue, are This is at the close of his very able and learned "Essay on Money as a Medium of Commerce; with Remarks on the Advantages and Disadvantages of Paper admitted into General Circulation." real national as well as personal wealth. If twice as much paper circulates with them, though in full credit, particular persons may be rich by possessing it, but the nation in general is not. 7. The cry of the scarcity of money is generally putting the effect for the cause. No business can be done, say some, because money is scarce. It may be said with more truth, money is scarce because little business is done. Yet their influence, like that of many other causes and effects, is reciprocal. 8. The quantity of current money, of whatever kind, will have an effect in raising the price of industry and bringing goods dearer to market; therefore the increase of the currency in any nation by paper which will not pass among other nations, makes the first cost of every thing they do greater, and, of consequence, the profit less. 9. It is, however, possible that paper obligations may so far facilitate commerce and extend credit, as, by the additional industry that they excite, to overbalance the injury which they do in other respects. Yet even the good itself may be overdone. Too much money may be emitted even upon loan; but to emit money any other way than upon loan is to do all evil and no good. 10. Those who refuse doubtful paper, and thereby disgrace it, or prevent its circulation, are not enemies, but friends to their country. GEORGE WASHINGTON, 1732-1799. GEORGE WASHINGTON, the fourth son of Augustine Washington, and the first President of the United States, was born at Bridge's Creek, in the county of Westmoreland, Virginia, on the 22d of February, 1732, and died at Mount Vernon on the 14th of December, 1799. The following are the chief incidents of his public life: EVENTS. His birth, in Westmoreland county, Virginia. Surveyor of Lord Fairfax's lands on the Potomac River. 1 I give not an extended biography of General Washington, because to do any justice to the subject it would occupy more room than I could spare; while the lives of him are so numerous as to be accessible to any one. Read lives by Marshall, Ramsey, Weems, Edmunds, Guizot, (translated by Reeve,) Headley, Irving, Bancroft, Sparks; also an admirable book entitled "Maxims of Washington, Political, Moral, Social, and Religious; collected and arranged by J. F. Schroeder, D.D.," 1 vol. 12mo. Consult also "North American Review," li. 69, xlvii. 318, xxxix. 467; "American Quarterly," xv. 275, xvii. 74; "Methodist Quarterly," ii. 38; also read Eulogies by Hamilton, Jay, Ames, Mason, &c. YEARS. HIS AGE. EVENTS. He sailed for Barbadoes with his brother Lawrence. Commissioner to the French on the Ohio. Lieutenant-Colonel for the defence of the colony of Virginia. Aid-de-camp to General Braddock at the battle of Monongahela. Commander-in-chief of the Virginian forces. He resigned his commission. His marriage. Member of the Virginia House of Burgesses. Member of the Virginia Conventions on the points at issue Commander of the army at Cambridge. Battle of Trenton. Congress invested him with dictatorial powers. Battle of the Brandywine. Battle of Germantown. 1787 1789 1789 1789 1791 1793 1793 1796 1797 1798 1799 51 Nov. 25. New York evacuated by the British army. Dec. 23. Mar. 4. Aug. 25. 59 Mar. 4. 64 66 He resigned his commission. His tour to the Western country. May 14. Delegate to the General Convention at Philadelphia to form a Death of his mother at the age of eighty-two years. His tour through the Southern States. M. Genet, Minister from France to the United States. Sept. 15. His Farewell Address to the People of the United States. July 3. Commander-in-chief of the Armies of the United States. VALEDICTORY COUNSELS OF WASHINGTON. There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This, within certain limits, is probably true; and in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party; but in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose; and there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume. Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the destinies of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principles. It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who, that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric? Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened. Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all: religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It would be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The experiment at least is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices? *** In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded, and that, in place of them, just and amiable feelings towards all, should be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. *** Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am, nevertheless, too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert and mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. THE BROTHERHOOD OF MAN. As the member of an infant empire, as a philanthropist by character, and, if I may be allowed the expression, as a citizen of the Great Republic of Humanity at large, I cannot help turning my attention sometimes to this subject,-HOW MANKIND MAY BE CONNECTED, LIKE ONE GREAT FAMILY, IN FRATERNAL TIES. I indulge a fond, perhaps an enthusiastic idea, that as the world is evidently much less barbarous than it has been, its melioration must still be progressive; that nations are becoming more humanized in their policy; that the subjects of ambition and causes for hostility are daily diminishing; and, in fine, that the period is not very remote when the benefits of a liberal and free commerce will pretty generally succeed to the devastations and horrors of war. PROVIDENCE RULING THE AFFAIRS OF NATIONS. It would be peculiarly improper to omit, in this first' official act, my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate, to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States, a government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in the administration to execute with success the functions allotted to its charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it 1 Inaugural Address, April 30, 1789. |