under the late act of parliament.* The acquittal of Dogherty, and the confinement and prosecution of the suborned witness, who alone appeared against him, the anticipated confidence of the acquittal of Hanlon and Nogher, and the backwardness of government in bringing any more to trial, had created a species of triumph in the popular party, either of the rectitude or

* It is fitting, that the light in which this bond of union was at different periods represented to, and viewed by the people, should be known, in order that the real guilt and malice of the original and reflex traitors, may be separated from the impetuosity and enthusiasm of many friends to civil and constitutional liberty, that were originally engaged in it from honourable and meritorious motives, though some of them were afterwards seduced specie recti to hold their footing, when they perceived themselves gone further than they were aware of: and when coercion militated so powerfully against receding.

On Saturday, the 19th, the assizes ended, having lasted an entire week. There were in the jail to the amount of 28 persons, charged with offences usually imputed to United Irishmen, of whom, however, two trials only were brought forward. In the former, a suborned soldier, who was brought forward to prosecute Dogherty, was, upon Dogherty's acquittal, put into the dock in his place, to abide his trial for perjury. Since that the grand juries found bills against him, and he remained in custody to abide his trial.

The only other trial was that of the king against Hanlon and Nogher, charged with contemptuously, maliciously, and feloniously tendering to the prosecutor an unlawful oath or engagement, to become one of an unlawful, wicked, and seditious society called United Irishmen.

One witness only was produced in support of this indictment, a soldier of the 24th light dragoons, of the name of Fisher, who swore to the administration of an oath, "to be united in brotherhood to pull down the head clergy and halfpay officers." He, upon his cross examination, said, that the obligation had been shewn and read to him, in a small book of four leaves, which he had read and would know again. The constitution of the United Irishmen was then put into his hands by the defendant's counsel, and he admitted the test contained in it to be the same that he had taken.

On the part of the prisoners, A. T. Stewart, esq. of Acton, was examined and cross examined by the crown. The sum of his testimony was, that this society had made a rapid progress through the people of all religious ranks and classes; that before its introduction into that country, the most horrible religious persecutions existed, attended with murder and extirpation; that since its introduction these atrocities had subsided, as far as he could learn. He admitted he had heard of murders laid to their charge, but could hardly believe such charges, as he conceived them incompatible with any thing he ever could learn of the principles or consequences of their institution.

The jailor was also examined, who said, that fewer persons had been sent to him upon charges of racking or robbing houses, or of murder than before, and that he understood the religious parties began to agree better together, and to fight less.

There was no other material evidence. Mr. Curran spoke an hour and three quarters, in defence of the United Irishmen.-That he was delighted to find, after so many of them had been immured in dungeons, without trial, that at length the subject had come fairly before the world—and that instead of being a system of organized treason and murder, it proved to be a great bond of national union, founded upon the most acknowledged principle of law, and every sacred obligation due to our country and Creator.

.

Mr. baron George gave his opinion decidedly, that the obligation was, under the act of parliament, illegal. The Jury withdrew, and acquitted the prisoner, and thus ended the assizes of Armagh.

strength of their cause. On the same day, (14th of April) which was the last day but one of the assizes, the sheriff of Armagh, at the request of several of the first gentlemen of the county, convened a meeting, for the purpose of framing a proper address to his majesty on the critical situation of affairs, claiming redress in a respectful manner against the grievances under which they laboured; and some anonymous and rebellious demagogue published a very inflammatory paper, in order to excite the popular spirit beyond the claims of that rational and sober freedom, which the British constitution by its natural and unchecked workings never fails to afford.*

It appears evident, that at this time the publication of many opinions and sentiments, which at former periods had been considered laudable and meritorious, were deemed turbulent, seditious, or treasonable. The revolutionary doctrines of 1688, in their particular bearings upon the existing circumstances of 1797, were sure marks of reprobation, and from the report† of the secret committee, appear to have been considered criminal in their nature, as well as in their application. When Mr. Pelham communicated the report of the secret committee to the house, on the 10th of May, he observed, that what had then transpired must convince every man, that it was not legislation which should' be resorted to, to repress this daring and dark conspiracy, but to those strong measures which the executive government had already adopted, with the approbation of the house. That report justified in the fullest extent those measures, and at the same time called on the gentlemen of that house, and on every loyal subject, to strain every nerve to put down that society: nor did he think, formidable as they might appear, that there was any reason to fear, that the loyalty of the country and the force of the state, would not be fully sufficient to crush them. Their numbers, it was reasonable, to believe, had been greatly exaggerated in these papers; as it was plain, that they tried every

* Both are to be seen in the Appendix, No. CIII.

† 17 Par. Deb. p. 523. The committee again take occasion to observe, that it appears from these papers, that the United Irishmen made a pretext of reform and emancipation, to cover a design to subvert instead of amending the constitution, to confiscate property and extinguish the possessors of it; and this they infer, arguendo, from the circumstance, that these two objects have not been mentioned in these papers as the end of their institution. In further corroboration of this opinion, they transcribe a paper called the Donaghadee Resolutions, in which it is emphatically stated to have been the "opinion of the best statesmen, philosophers, and divines, that all power "originates with the people; that when tyrants usurp power, or governors legitimately constituted degenerate into tyrants, it becomes the right and "the duty of the people to take arms to wrest that power from the hands which abuse it, and restore it to those to whom it of right belongs, &c. &c."

mode to keep up the spirits of their deluded followers, as well by fallacious statements of their force, as by the expectation of foreign assistance. For his own part, he believed the great body of the people were loyal, and he should be proud to exert every power he possessed in opposing that band of daring traitors. He believed, that among the members who formed the society of United Irishmen, there were many much less criminal than others; many he believed might have been seduced to join them by the specious pretexts of reform, &c. and might have continued among them from the ignorance of their true designs, which, it appeared, they were so desirous of concealing from the great body of their members: but he hoped, that the publication of that report would open their eyes, and shew them the danger and the crimes into which they were hastening. He concluded by moving, that this report be communicated to the committee of the lords, and that it be printed, which was ordered accordingly.

The 15th of May, 1797, was a day of peculiar importance to the fate of Ireland. The great question of parliamentary reform stood for that day, Mr. W. B. Ponsonby had most urgently been pressed by government not to bring forward that subject in the moment of so alarming a ferment of the public mind. He, however, differed from the gentlemen on the treasury bench upon the propriety of agitating the question at that particular juncture, deeming it indispensably necessary then, above all other times, to agitate and to adopt that measure as the only efficient means of enduring the restoration of peace, confidence, and prosperity to the country. The galleries had overflowed at an early hour, and the speaker took the chair precisely at four o'clock, when lord Castlereagh pre-occupied the attention of the house by moving, that the address of the lords on the subject of the treasonable papers, be then taken into consideration. The address contained strong expressions of the loyalty and affection of the house; alluded in very strong terms to the enormity and extent of that traitorous conspiracy; thanked his majesty for the measures which had been already taken for restoring the due observation of the laws, and recommended to his adoption the most severe measures for the complete suppression of these dangerous disorders. His lordship animadverted on the danger of the conspiracy with much vehemence, and concluded by a motion, "that the commons "should agree with their lordships in that address."

Mr. Smith moved an amendment, that his majesty would use conciliatory measures to remove every pretext of discontent from. the well disposed, as well as measures of coercion for the prevention and punishment of conspiracy and treason; urging the ne

cessity of correcting abuses, as well as adopting strong laws to repress disaffection.

This introduced much very animated conversation from Mr. George Ponsonby, Mr. Fletcher, Mr. Jephson, Mr. Grattan, and Mr. Hoare, who supported the amendment; and the attorney general, Mr. Denis Browne, Mr. Egan, sir B. Roche, Mr. Alexander, Messrs. J. and M. Beresford, Mr. Ogle, Mr. Toler, and Mr. Amnesty, who opposed it.*

The question of parliamentary reform was brought on by Mr. William Brabazon Ponsonby, by first reading his several propositions, before he specifically moved any of them. They were to the following effect:

"Resolved, That it is indispensably necessary to a fundamental "reform of the representation, that all disabilities, on account "of religion, be for ever abolished; and that Catholics shall be "admitted into the legislature, and all the great offices of state, "in the same extent, &c. as Protestants now are.

"That it is the indispensable right of the people of Ireland "to be fully and fairly represented in parliament.

"That in order that the people may be fully enabled to exer"cise that right, the privilege of returning members for cities, boroughs, &c. in the present form shall cease; that each county "be divided into districts, consisting of 6000 houses each, each "district to return two members to parliament.

"That all persons possessing freehold property to the amount "of 40s. per annum; all possessed of leasehold interests, of the "annual value of; all possessed of a house, of the value "ofall who have resided for a certain number of years "in any great city or town, following a trade; and all who shall

7 Par. Deb. p. 529. The most contentious topic in the debate was an expression which fell from Mr. Fletcher, in the course of his speech, in which he said, that if coercive measures were to be pursued, the whole country must be coerced, for the spirit of insurrection had pervaded every part of it. Mr. M. Beresford ordered the clerk to take down these words, and the gallery was instantly cleared. When strangers were again admitted, the debate on the address still continued, and in the course of it M. J. C. Beresford thought himself called on to defend the secret committee against an assertion which had fallen from Mr. Fletcher in the course of his speech. The assertion was, in substance, that he feared the people would be led to look on the report of the committee, as fabricated rather to justify the past measures of government, than to state facts!

Mr. Fletcher contended, that he had a right to animadvert on the report, but disclaimed any design of imputing any thing unfair to the members of that committee individually.

In the course of the altercation, which followed on this subject, Mr. Toler threatened, and actually did move an abstract resolution, declaring, that the imputation conveyed in those words (of Mr. Fletcher) was an unfounded calumny on the report. He was at length, however, persuaded to withdraw his motion. The house then divided on Mr. Smith's amendment, which was lost without a division.

"be free of any city, &c. by birth, marriage, or servitude, shall "vote for members of parliament.

"That seats in parliament shall endure for

years.

number of

Mr. Pelham applauded the candid manner in which the honourable mover had put the house completely into possession of his whole plan; but thought the question ought not to be agitated, whilst a part of the country was in a state of rebellion, and a most dangerous conspiracy existed in it, as appeared by the report of the secret committee. He therefore moved an adjournment. A very heated debate* ensued, which lasted till five o'clock in the morning, when the house divided, 170 for the adjournment, and 30 only against it.

†The rigor of military government was first enforced un

This subject having been so often debated, I repeat no part of the debate. The only new point made seemed to be the actual effects of the coercion, that had for some time been systematically adopted. The language of government was, the people must be subdued, before they shall be relieved: and neither Catholic emancipation nor parliamentary reform can be now granted, because they are made the pretences for insurrection and rebellion. Mr. Grattan, who spoke last in the debate, said (17 Par. Deb. p. 567) "I have in my hand a paper signed by nine hundred persons, considerable men in business, and "northern merchants, containing the following resolutions, in substance: 'That they conceive the cause of the present discontent to be the miserable state of the representation; that the discontent and suffering will continue until par⚫liament shall be reformed, and that they will persist in the pursuit of that object, and will not lose sight of it by cavils at the plan, but will expect and be satified with such a plan as does substantially restore to the community the right of electing the House of Commons-securing its independence against the influence of the crown-limiting the duration of parliament, and extending to his majesty's subjects the privileges of the constitution, without distinction of religion. Such a plan we offer you; that is our plan of peace, "our idea of strength and union against a foreign enemy: we conceive, that "all your other plans have failed; you tried them-you tried your revenue, " and you failed; you tried your public credit-it has failed; you tried yo ur "armed force-it has failed; you have attempted to combat democracy by "armies, and you failed; you sent armies against your enemies to combat that "principle, and you failed; you sent armies against your people, and you fail"ed. You conquered your laws indeed; you conquered the person of the sub"ject-but you could not subdue his mind-you could not conquer the passion or the principle: on the contrary, you inflamed both. What then remains? "Try this plan-reform the parliament."

† As Mr. Grattan viewed the subject he thus enumerated the effects proproduced by that system of coercion, which he called upon the government to change. But," said he," gentlemen chiefly rely on the report of the secret "committee, and allege, that a conspiracy appears from that report to have "established itself in a way so extensive and formidable, as to render any con"ciliatory measure inadmissible; they must be subdued before they shall be relieved: such are the words of gentlemen-dangerous and inconsiderate "words! But from that very report, I draw a conclusion diametrically oppo"site; from that report, I conclude, that parliamentary reform is not merely eligible, but absolutely indispensable; in that report, and from the speeches "of gentlemen, we learn, that a conspiracy has existed for some years; that "it was composed originally of persons of no powerful or extensive influence; "and yet these men, under prosecution and discountenance, have been so "extended as to reach every county in the kingdom; to levy a great army;

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