and organizing new unions. The Federation itself unites all the leading unions of the country, except the railway brotherhoods, in its annual convention. It is therefore pre-eminently well qualified to speak for the interests of the organized wage-workers. Typical instances of its constant effort to secure favorable public opinion and guide legislation are to be seen in such plans as the revision of the Sherman Anti-Trust Act in order to exempt from the law all labor combinations, so that the unions could legally conduct a boycott in interstate commerce. It has also asked a radical change in the method of granting injunctions by the courts, and a jury trial for persons accused of violating an injunction.

The methods pursued by the Federation in pushing these claims before the public are interesting. The monthly Federationist is replete with arguments on all of these points. The various unions composing the Federation in their publications also direct attention to these problems, the speeches of union officials are well calculated to unite the labor interests in these demands and finally, a committee on legislation composed of several leaders in the Federal executive council has been appointed and has steadfastly brought to the attention of legislative committees in the House and Senate the demand for a change in the national law on the points mentioned. This committee at first received but scant consideration from the Senate and House authorities, but formulated its demands in a brief circular and distributed them to all persons who might be interested. Still finding its demands unheeded, it approached directly and publicly the platform committees of the two national parties and in 1908 its demands were accepted by the Democrats and partially recognized by the Republicans. The Democratic majority in 1914 finally embodied them in the Clayton Act and the passage of that law brought to a victorious culmination the nationwide effort to create a favorable popular sentiment. Although the progress of other parts of this movement has often been blocked both by its friends and enemies, there has been a steady growth of public sentiment in favor of the more substantial demands made by the Federation and this growth is to be ascribed chiefly to the efforts of that body in molding public opinion.

The Employer.-Another good illustration is seen in the employer's attempts to present to the public his arguments against changes in the labor laws of the country and to safeguard his interests against possible excesses of labor sympathizers and against mob violence. An extensive series of employers' associations has been formed for this purpose. Prominent among these are the National Metal Trades Association and the National Association of Manufacturers. In both of these and other bodies the members are frequently addressed from headquarters on problems of public policy affecting their interests. In March, 1911, in connection with the opening of Congress a typical letter of this kind was mailed to members by the President of the Manufacturers

Association. After calling attention to the important problems of labor which might come up for consideration before Congress, such as legislation on the hours of work, the amendment of the Sherman Act, the anti-injunction bills, etc., the letter states:

"The mere enumeration of these possible subjects of legislation recalls the matters which have engaged our activities for the past eight years. The American Federation of Labor possesses an unusual influence with the coming House and declares its determination and expectation to secure a favorable consideration of legislation hitherto defeated. I need not dwell upon the effect such legislation, if passed, would necessarily have not only in the encouragement of disorder in trade disputes, but in stripping person and property of essential safeguards, impairing the powers of the Federal courts, and providing precedents for further dangerous legislation. Moreover, any action taken by Congress or any serious agitation of these subjects therein, is likely to be the basis of imitation in our State legislatures.

"In view of these possibilities, which I believe you will agree I do not overstate, will you not make it a point:

"1. To personally see your representative in Congress and if you cannot personally see him, impress him immediately, especially if he be a Democrat, with the importance and necessity of exerting his influence to secure the appointment upon such committees as that of Labor and the Judiciary of fair men, and thus lessen the likelihood of the appointment, especially as chairmen of such committees, of members likely to represent organized labor and do its bidding.

"2. Please request other business men of your district to take like action, in person or by letter.

"3. Direct a note on these lines to any Democratic member of your Ways and Means Committee who is likely to be impressed by your communication.”

The association above mentioned has for many years been a means of solidifying and strengthening the sentiment of unity among the employers and although it has necessarily aroused some antagonism from the labor union ranks in the course of its activity, it must be recognized as one of the important factors in molding and expressing public opinion in its field and in influencing government action. There is also need for a general employers' association combining all industries.

Improvement of the Public Service.-Let us next take an example from the field of public administration, the civil service idea. Shortly after the Civil War public attention was attracted to the urgent need of a reorganization of the national service on more modern lines. A number of progressive citizens of Boston and New York established local civil service reform associations in those cities. These bodies began to discuss the best methods of making civil appointments and to attract public attention. They studied the

problem of appointment with great care and drew up a new plan based on the merit principle. They were laughed at as dreamers and "mugwumps." But other associations were formed in various cities and these soon united in a National Civil Service Reform League which continued the agitation of this important governmental problem until the newspapers and magazines of the country were one by one interested and drawn into the discussion. In a few years most of the thinking people of the nation were being educated on the subject and were expressing their views in unmistakable terms. The League drew up a bill which was presented by a member of Congress favorable to the new plan and all the local associations urged their Congressmen to support the measure. When in 1883 the pressure finally became irresistible, the Act was passed. Public opinion had been formed and had triumphed. Such is the history of the United States Civil Service Act. Equally interesting is the work of the various Child Labor Committees in all the industrial States of the Union. The blighting effects of Child Labor in our factories and workshops have been seen for years, but it was not until the National Child Labor Committee, in co-operation with the Committees in each State began to bring strong pressure to bear upon the States and National Government and upon the public, that the question received the attention which it deserved. Public opinion was crystallized and every manufacturing State in the Union has now passed or is considering the passage of a law prohibiting the labor of children under fourteen in mills and factories.

Molding Opinion on the Currency.-After the panic of 1907 there was a general demand that the currency of the country be established on a more elastic basis. It was especially desired to provide an abundant supply in cases of financial stringency. In order to secure such an improved plan Congress established the National Monetary Commission in 1909. Under the chairmanship of former Senator Aldrich this body immediately studied all the most effective currency systems of foreign countries, and with expert advice formed a plan whose main feature was a concentration of banking or credit resources, so that all the local banking associations could be furnished with sufficient funds, in time of emergency, to tide over the monetary stringency and thereby render the whole credit system more elastic. The adoption of such a feature appeared to be an almost impossible feat in 1909 and 1910 because of the deep-rooted popular suspicion against Wall Street influences, and against any concentration of banking resources which might fall under those influences. The people believed and with reason that speculators were able to obtain the money of the banks for gambling purposes, largely because of the centralization of credit in New York and the favor shown by large banking interests to the speculative element. They therefore suspected that any central bank system which involved a further concentration would naturally aggravate the evils of speculation and of Wall Street control over the country's funds. The problem

which confronted the Monetary Commission was therefore to overcome these obstacles and to win over the influential public opinion of the nation by the gradual but thorough process of convincing the business interests of the country both large and small. The commission employed men of persuasive ability. Its own members journeyed forth on missionary tours over the continent. They visited the American Bankers Association, the State associations of bankers, clearing houses, boards of trade, commercial clubs, manufacturers' associations, farmers' institutes, and systematically presented the main features of their plan and the reasons which justified it. At the outset the country was united in opposition but before many months had passed the bankers and other bodies of business men began to realize the important advantages offered by the proposed system, and the methodical work commenced to show results.

At the suggestion of members of the Commission the president of the National Board of Trade called a meeting of financial representatives from all parts of the country. The chairman of the meeting was authorized to appoint an Organization Committee which should (a) carry on a campaign of education; (b) influence the action of senators and congressmen. The Committee met in Chicago and appointed a special campaign or executive committee with representatives in every State. These representatives were not selected from the bankers but chiefly from among the other business men of the country, manufacturers, merchants, railway executives, etc. They also formed the National Citizens League which had as its purpose the holding of meetings and the dissemination of literature, circulars, etc., all describing the plan for a central banking association. The League sent free to its many members a monthly bulletin, "Currency Reform," containing a series of popular arguments for a central bank reserve. It also set forth the progress of the movement and encouraged its members to missionary zeal. The fund contributed by banks, trust companies and other sources to this body was a large one and enabled a systematic and general agitation of the subject. That the work so undertaken bore fruit may be inferred from the fact that when the League's labors were completed a majority of the bankers and very many business executives favored the proposed plan, and although the new Bank Act of 1914 differs widely in matters of organization, its main feature and greatest advantage is conceded to be the concentration of credit resources under the control of the National Government.

Methods of Securing Legislation.-The most favorable time for an association to secure national legislation is in the long session which, as we have seen, is the first session, or that commencing on the first Monday of December in the odd years. At the short session there is little or no time for general legislation, since the House of Representatives goes out of office on the following 4th of March. Since Congress does little in December because of the Christmas holidays, there remain only two months for actual work

in the short session. This time is fully taken up by the large appropriation bills for the executive departments, and in the completion of left-over, unfinished business. Those who are seeking the passage of new measures therefore have their bills introduced and pressed at the long session. In the State legislature there is only one session.

The attitude of the Senators and Representatives from the association's sections of the country deserves mention. Any Congressman or legislator will introduce almost any bill on request of one of his constituents, but if he does not care to push it actively, he readily avoids responsibility for the measure by saying that it is presented "by request." Thousands of measures are annually introduced with this fatal tag attached, fatal because no one takes any further interest in a bill so labelled. As we have seen in a previous chapter the chances are all against the passage or even the consideration of any measure which is not pressed by some strong influences in the electorate. The association's next step is to secure the services of a "legislative agent." Public sentiment against the lobbyist has always been strongly hostile because of the secret and often nefarious methods employed by him. Some States have even prohibited "lobbying," as it is called, in their legislative halls, but more recently the tendency is to regulate the practice and surround it with certain safeguards of public registration. The legislative agent is usually a lawyer and often a former member of Congress or of the legislature who is therefore familiar with its procedure, and with many of the leading personalities on the floor. The rules permit former members to enter the hall and confer with the members. The bill, having been introduced by some friendly legislator, under the direction of the agent, is then referred to committee. This committee would ordinarily allow the bill to die without further consideration, because the members are all interested in measures of their own or in some important political bill which affects the success of their party. They have little time nor disposition to consider other matters. At this point, the services of the legislative agent become invaluable. He sees influential leaders, the principal members of the committee, and tries to secure a hearing for the friends of the bill. If he can persuade the committeemen to do so, a date is set and the persons interested in the measure then appear. There are grave dangers for the bill at this hearing, the most important of which is that its own friends will kill its chances by talking too much, by answering questions indiscreetly and by giving conflicting views at the hearing. The legislative agent must select with great care the witnesses who are to appear, and he must see to it that each witness gives his testimony in condensed form. Simple as this may seem, it is one of the hardest tasks confronting the lobbyist. The average business man appearing before a law-making committee is "flustered." He makes a bad impression, his nervousness and inex