The Folly of Empire: What George W. Bush Could Learn from Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow WilsonOxford University Press, 15. juni 2006 - 256 sider A century ago, the Theodore Roosevelt administration believed building an American empire was the only way the U.S. could ensure its role in the world, but came to see the occupation of the Philippines as America's "heel of Achilles." Woodrow Wilson, shocked by the failure of American intervention in Mexico and by the outbreak of World War I, came to see imperialism as the underlying cause of war and set about trying to create an international system to eliminate empires. But, the current Bush administration, despite the lessons of the past, has revived the older dreams of American empire--under the guise of democracy--even touting the American experience in the Philippines as a success upon which the United States could build in attempting to transform the Middle East. With The Folly of Empire, John B. Judis shows that history can teach us lessons and allow political leaders, if sensitive to history, to change their strategy in order to avoid past mistakes. Judis shows how presidents from Franklin Roosevelt to Bill Clinton drew upon what Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson learned about the pitfalls of using American power unilaterally to carve out a world in America's image. Exercising leadership through international institutions and alliances, the United States was able to win the Cold War and the first Gulf War. But by ignoring these lessons, the Bush administration has created a quagmire of terror and ethnic conflict. By examining America's role in the international community--then and now--The Folly of Empire is a sharp and compelling critique of America's current foreign policy and offers a direct challenge to neo-conservatives. |
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Side 4
... European power from age to age.6 America, the proponents of imperialism argued, would acquire an overseas empire of its own, and through careful administration and the defeat of backward, or “savage,” resistance movements, lay the basis ...
... European power from age to age.6 America, the proponents of imperialism argued, would acquire an overseas empire of its own, and through careful administration and the defeat of backward, or “savage,” resistance movements, lay the basis ...
Side 5
... European leaders, Wilson had also believed that imperialism was contributing to a higher, more pacific civilization by bringing not only capitalist industry but also higher standards of morality and education to what had been barbarous ...
... European leaders, Wilson had also believed that imperialism was contributing to a higher, more pacific civilization by bringing not only capitalist industry but also higher standards of morality and education to what had been barbarous ...
Side 6
... Europe and southern and western Asia. During the Cold War, the United States used Wilson's approach to create a “community of power” against the Soviet Union—chiefly through the creation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) ...
... Europe and southern and western Asia. During the Cold War, the United States used Wilson's approach to create a “community of power” against the Soviet Union—chiefly through the creation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) ...
Side 7
... Europe's empires, one key aspect of the age of empire—the struggle for world domination among great powers—was over. What remained were the conflicts that imperialism had instigated or suppressed in the regions that the great powers had ...
... Europe's empires, one key aspect of the age of empire—the struggle for world domination among great powers—was over. What remained were the conflicts that imperialism had instigated or suppressed in the regions that the great powers had ...
Side 11
... European and Japanese imperialism. Between 1876 and 1914, one quarter of the world was divvied up among these imperial powers.2 During these years, Great Britain increased its territories by 4 million square miles, France by 3.5 million ...
... European and Japanese imperialism. Between 1876 and 1914, one quarter of the world was divvied up among these imperial powers.2 During these years, Great Britain increased its territories by 4 million square miles, France by 3.5 million ...
Innhold
1 | |
11 | |
II Americas Imperial Moment | 29 |
III Theodore Roosevelt and the Heel of Achilles | 51 |
IV Woodrow Wilson and the Way to Liberty | 75 |
V Woodrow Wilson and the Conscience of the World | 95 |
VI Franklin Roosevelt and the Four Freedoms | 119 |
VII Cold War Liberalism from Truman to Reagan | 131 |
VIII Bush Clinton and the Triumph of Wilsonianism | 149 |
IX George W Bush Sees Evil | 165 |
X George W Bush and the Illusion of Omnipotence | 185 |
Conclusion | 201 |
Notes | 213 |
Acknowledgments | 231 |
Index | 233 |
Andre utgaver - Vis alle
The Folly of Empire: What George W. Bush Could Learn from Theodore Roosevelt ... John B. Judis Begrenset visning - 2006 |
The Folly of Empire: What George W. Bush Could Learn from Theodore Roosevelt ... John B. Judis Begrenset visning - 2006 |
The Folly of Empire: What George W. Bush Could Learn from Theodore Roosevelt ... John B. Judis Begrenset visning - 2010 |
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