The Folly of Empire: What George W. Bush Could Learn from Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow WilsonOxford University Press, 15. juni 2006 - 256 sider A century ago, the Theodore Roosevelt administration believed building an American empire was the only way the U.S. could ensure its role in the world, but came to see the occupation of the Philippines as America's "heel of Achilles." Woodrow Wilson, shocked by the failure of American intervention in Mexico and by the outbreak of World War I, came to see imperialism as the underlying cause of war and set about trying to create an international system to eliminate empires. But, the current Bush administration, despite the lessons of the past, has revived the older dreams of American empire--under the guise of democracy--even touting the American experience in the Philippines as a success upon which the United States could build in attempting to transform the Middle East. With The Folly of Empire, John B. Judis shows that history can teach us lessons and allow political leaders, if sensitive to history, to change their strategy in order to avoid past mistakes. Judis shows how presidents from Franklin Roosevelt to Bill Clinton drew upon what Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson learned about the pitfalls of using American power unilaterally to carve out a world in America's image. Exercising leadership through international institutions and alliances, the United States was able to win the Cold War and the first Gulf War. But by ignoring these lessons, the Bush administration has created a quagmire of terror and ethnic conflict. By examining America's role in the international community--then and now--The Folly of Empire is a sharp and compelling critique of America's current foreign policy and offers a direct challenge to neo-conservatives. |
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Resultat 1-5 av 51
Side 3
... Germany, Russia, and Japan for what Theodore Roosevelt called “the domination of the world.”4 American proponents of imperialism argued that the country needed colonies to bolster its military power and to find markets for its capital ...
... Germany, Russia, and Japan for what Theodore Roosevelt called “the domination of the world.”4 American proponents of imperialism argued that the country needed colonies to bolster its military power and to find markets for its capital ...
Side 5
... German militarism but against the structure of world politics and economics that the imperial struggle for colonies had sustained. The only way to prevent future war, he concluded, was to dismantle the structure itself. During the war ...
... German militarism but against the structure of world politics and economics that the imperial struggle for colonies had sustained. The only way to prevent future war, he concluded, was to dismantle the structure itself. During the war ...
Side 11
... Germany by more than a million. By 1900, Britain had 50 colonies, France 33, and Germany 13.3 Over 90 percent of Africa was colonized, 98.9 percent of Polynesia, and 56.5 percent of Asia.4 As the British economist J. A. Hobson argued in ...
... Germany by more than a million. By 1900, Britain had 50 colonies, France 33, and Germany 13.3 Over 90 percent of Africa was colonized, 98.9 percent of Polynesia, and 56.5 percent of Asia.4 As the British economist J. A. Hobson argued in ...
Side 12
... Germany and Italy and for older empires like the Russian, Ottoman, or Austrian that were threatened with disintegration. The Germans insisted that their colonial possessions should reflect their growing economic and military power in ...
... Germany and Italy and for older empires like the Russian, Ottoman, or Austrian that were threatened with disintegration. The Germans insisted that their colonial possessions should reflect their growing economic and military power in ...
Side 16
... Germany, and the Soviet Union. But these countries' sense of mission eventually ran afoul of the reality they sought to transform. They had to abandon their visions, whether as a result of devastating military defeat or gradual economic ...
... Germany, and the Soviet Union. But these countries' sense of mission eventually ran afoul of the reality they sought to transform. They had to abandon their visions, whether as a result of devastating military defeat or gradual economic ...
Innhold
1 | |
11 | |
II Americas Imperial Moment | 29 |
III Theodore Roosevelt and the Heel of Achilles | 51 |
IV Woodrow Wilson and the Way to Liberty | 75 |
V Woodrow Wilson and the Conscience of the World | 95 |
VI Franklin Roosevelt and the Four Freedoms | 119 |
VII Cold War Liberalism from Truman to Reagan | 131 |
VIII Bush Clinton and the Triumph of Wilsonianism | 149 |
IX George W Bush Sees Evil | 165 |
X George W Bush and the Illusion of Omnipotence | 185 |
Conclusion | 201 |
Notes | 213 |
Acknowledgments | 231 |
Index | 233 |
Andre utgaver - Vis alle
The Folly of Empire: What George W. Bush Could Learn from Theodore Roosevelt ... John B. Judis Begrenset visning - 2006 |
The Folly of Empire: What George W. Bush Could Learn from Theodore Roosevelt ... John B. Judis Begrenset visning - 2006 |
The Folly of Empire: What George W. Bush Could Learn from Theodore Roosevelt ... John B. Judis Begrenset visning - 2010 |
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