153. elpyaoμévot elolv. Indirect quotations after örɩ and is— (1) after primary tense the verb retains mood and tense of direct discourse; (2) after secondary tenses the verb either is changed to same tense of opt. or retains its original mood or tense. Goodwin, § 242. Here in direct speech the verb would have been οὐδὲν εἰργάσμεθα.

154. Bovλóμnv av 'I could have wished'; implying that it is vain to wish it now. Infra, 600.

156. αὐτοῖς τοιαῦτα ὑπάρχει ‘have they any such conduct to plead?'

161. vπηperŵv 'gratifying to the full.' Like the Latin obsequens.

164-7. καὶ πρὸς . . αὐτὸν τοῦτον ‘if with him himself, wretch as he is.' Stanéyeo ba 'to hold a conversation.' ἐπὶ τῇ ὠφελείᾳ . . βλάβη ' for his good, for his hurt. ἐπὶ with dative showing the attending circumstances of an action, 1. 327. 8σLov Kal evσeßés. The former refers to the avoidance of contamination of the person, the latter to his duty to the gods: 'consistent with self-respect and piety.'

167. áváẞno mount up on the Bua,' i.e. the tribune or platform of the prosecutor. See iv. 1. 101. The evidence was taken at a preliminary trial láváкpiois), and was read over to the witness in court, who was required to signify his assent by bowing his head or speaking. Thus Lysias may in writing his speech introduce this examination as though it actually took place in court. Cf. a similar examination in xi. § 5.

180. ἐπὶ σοὶ μόνῳ ἐγένετο ' it depended entirely on you.

186-7. kal μǹv 'nay more.' Tep 'admitting that.' s aur προετάχθη is the object of πιστεύειν in apposition to τοῦτο, ‘the fact that he was ordered to do so.'

188-9. οὐ γὰρ . . ἐλάμβανον 'for he will not say, I presume, that in the matter of the Metics they took security of him.' où —Sýπov, like nisi forte, introduces an absurd or impossible supposition. Tel TO TO 'for who, pray, was less likely to have been so charged than one who, etc.' To introduces what appears to the speaker a self-evident truth. For σris, equivalent to qui with subj., see on i. l. 30.

191. ἀποδεδειγμένος pass. part. with middle sense. γνώμην 38 i.e. his opinion against the murders; the sense is quite clear without the addition of evavríav which some editors have made.

192. ταῦτα cognate accusative sc. ταῦτα τὰ ὑπηρετήματα. ois attracted to the case of the antecedent understood after ȧVTELTÓVτa. Goodwin, § 153, 1. The attraction rarely occurs except into genitive and dative. Ib. Note 2.

198. áπodéxeσla 'to accept the excuse.'

201. ἴσως ἂν. exere 'perhaps you might now pardon him with some reason.

202. νῦν δέ. Orat. i. 1. 3. παρὰ τοῦ ποτε καὶ • from whom in the world are you to exact punishment at all?'

204. μèv 'whereas,' answered by vueis dè. Kal- 'now again,' introduces a new point. Again, whereas his crime is that he arrested my brother, not in his house but in the street (where he might have let him escape without breaking their orders), you are angry even with those who entered your houses in search of any one of you or yours.' The point is that it was much more difficult for an emissary of the Thirty to connive at an escape of a victim if actually found in his house, and yet such agents incurred the popular wrath; whereas Eratosthenes found Polemarchus in the street, and might have let him go without direct breach of orders, and yet did not do So. Tарò acc. neut. absol. See ii. 1. 98.

211-13. èkelvols, i.e. those who found their victims at home, and could not therefore easily connive at their escape. κaтaλaβοῦσιν ἐξάρνοις γενέσθαι ‘to deny having found them though they had caught them.'

214. ETTELTA K.T.A. 'or at any rate that he did not see him.'

215. our.. elxev 'did not involve or admit of refutation or examination by torture.'

218. Tep 'if as you say.'

223. TOúode 'these judges here in court.'

224. ἃ ἴσασι . . λαμβάνοντας using the facts which they know to have actually happened as sure proofs of what was then said,' i.e. by you when you pretend that you spoke against this murder. No witnesses can be brought forward, for the debate was a secret one among the Thirty.

227-8. Tapeîvau sc. in the senate house when the Thirty were debating. rap avroîs elvaɩ 'to be at home,' apud se esse, so παρ' ἐμοί, παρ' ὑμῖν, etc.

233. Tóre 'seeing that,' as oos for us, see on 1. 285 and 619. i. 1. 30. páσκwv see on iv. 1. 56, what would you have done if you had spoken against the victims, seeing that when you allege that you spoke for them you killed Polemarchus?'

234-5. τί ἂν sc. ἐποιήσατε, which is equivalent to καταψηφίσασθε ἢ ἀποψηφίσασθε, and therefore the ἂν really belongs το ἀποψηφίσασθε. ἀπεψηφίσασθε “would you have voted for their acquittal.' Plur. for sing.

238-9. wμodóynkev, i.e. by alleging that he spoke against it. See 1. 175. Thy dia¥ýpiσi 'the decision,' i.e. by a division of votes on the preliminary question as to his guilt or innocence.

246. τὸ ἴσον ὑμῖν ἕξουσιν ' will be no worse of than you are, i.e. will not be punished.

248. Ekkηρútrovov 'banish by proclamation.' The subject of 40 the verb is the government of the various towns, in which the Thirty had taken refuge. The Thirty and their agents, the Eleven, were expressly excepted from the amnesty. Xen. Hell. 2, 4, 38.

250. Tov 'of course they will consider that they are giving themselves superfluous trouble in avenging them' (the actual sufferers).

252-256. Referring of course to the condemnation of the generals after the battle of Arginusæ, B.C. 406. For the hasty and illegal condemnation of these generals, see Xen. Hell. 1, 8, 1-38; and also the rapid repentance of the people, ib. 39-40.

256. τούτους δέ sc. οὐκ ἄρα χρὴ κολάζεσθαι; but by what is called a rhetorical anacoluthon the object of χρὴ κολάζεσθαι is repeated—αὐτοὺς καὶ τοὺς παῖδας.

266. TO BEÚуOVTɩ by the defendant': dat. of the agent, used especially with perf. and pluperf. tenses of passive verbs. Goodwin, § 188, 3.

268-9. τοιούτων . of. See on Orat. vii. 1. 271.

271 αὐτῷ προσήκει is it open to him.

274. ἐξαπατῶσιν, irregularly put for ἐξαπατῶν, which we should

41

expect to answer to μηδὲ ἀπολογεῖσθαι. The speaker having a somewhat extended description to give, insensibly adopts the indicative as the proper mood for a narrative. Markland wished to read ἐξαπατήσαι,

278. ἐπεὶ explains οὐδὲ τοῦτο

προσήκει, ‘it is not open to

him to advance this plea, for just bid him state,' etc.

280. AUTO, i.e. the Thirty and their party.

281-2. ἢ πόλιν ήν τινα τοιαύτην . . κατεδουλώσαντο ' or what city they ever gained of such magnitude as yours which they enslaved.'

282. allà yàp 'nay, in point of fact,' almost denique, introducing a clinching or decisive question.

285. ofrives 'seeing that they actually,' etc. 'men that actually,' etc. Qui dejicerent. See i. 1. 31.

288. Tepietλov 'dismantled,' i.e. took down the walls round the Peiraeus; one of the conditions enforced by Lysander. He here attributes it to the action of the Thirty, though they were not officially appointed until afterwards; but it was their party who made the terms with Lysander, and he insinuates that it was not from obedience to the orders of Lysander that they carried out the work, but for their own party ends.

295. ἐπὶ τῶν τετρακοσίων ' at the time of the four hundred, 42 B.C. 411. During the years 412-411 (immediately after the Sicilian disaster) the Athenians were making a gallant struggle to retain their supremacy over the Islands, everywhere instigated by Alcibiades to revolt. The only one which remained faithful to them was Samos, in which the democratical party succeeded in ousting the oligarchical party; and there the Athenians had for a time a secure base of operations. Meanwhile, Alcibiades, wishing to return to Athens, professed to have persuaded Tissaphernes to offer the Athenian generals at Samos an alliance and assistance against Sparta, if only an oligarchical form of government were set up in Athens. The army was opposed to this, but some of the generals accepted the proposal, and Pisander was sent to Athens to propose it. The oligarchical clubs were worked by Pisander, Theramenes, and Phrynichus (Thucyd. 54, 3); and the change to a government of 400, with a select ecclesia of 5000 (Thucyd. viii. 67, 3), was voted. The 400, however, tried for some time to carry on the government without the existence of the 5000. The revolution was frustrated by several circumstances:-(1) The Persians, by making a new treaty with

Sparta, showed that the professions of Alcibiades were false. Thucyd. viii. 57-9. (2) The army at Samos, led by Thrasybulus and Thrasyllus, declared for the democracy. (Thucyd. viii. 75-6.) (3) Dissensions arose in the 400 themselves, the philosophical Theramenes insisting on the 5000 being really called into existence. (Thucyd. viii. 89.) (4) The Spartans delayed helping the oligarchs. (Thucyd. viii. 90-1.) (5) The Spartans freed Euboea, thus thoroughly alarming the people, who turned upon the proSpartan or oligarchical party. Phrynichus was assassinated, and Antiphon and Archiptolemus impeached and executed. (Thucyd. viii. 90-8.) The only part of the revolutionary programme left was, that the franchise was nominally confined to the 5000 (though this was not kept to in practice), and that certain official pay was discontinued.

At the first flush, however, all those who sympathised with the oligarchical movement would be anxious to be at Athens to take part in it, and Lysias charges Eratosthenes with having actually deserted his post in order to be at Athens and share in the revolution. PATROCLES is not known from any other source.

300-1. τἀναντία . . ἔπραττε he was engaged in intrigues against the democratical party.'

302. τὸν . . μεταξὺ βίον, i.e. his life between 411 Β.C. and 405 B.C., in which year the battle of Ægospotami, ʼn vavμaxía, took place.

305. πέντε ἄνδρες ἔφοροι. This committee of fve, appointed by the oligarchical clubs, was the first step towards the revolution of the Thirty. (See Appendix 'The Thirty'). They called them Ephors,' probably in compliment to the Spartans. vò τῶν καλουμένων ἑταίρων ‘by those who were styled their clubsmen.' The influence of the party clubs is noticed by Thucydides (3, 82, 11) as one of the effects of the bitter party spirit generated by the Peloponnesian war; originally, however, though formed for party pursuits (ἐπὶ δίκαις καὶ ἀρχαῖς, 8, 51, 4), they were within the lines of the constitution.

308. ὧν . . ἦσαν we do not know the names of the other three. Probably Theramenes was one.

309. φυλάρχους . . φυλακὰς ' captains over the guards, i.e. the guards stationed at the various public places and on the walls. These phylarchs would of course be partizans of the Thirty, and would secure to them the command of the public treasures, and the control over the egress and ingress of suspected persons at the city gates. The puλapxo were properly ten in number, one from each tribe, and were especially appointed to