AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR

Warning to Advertisers!

Protect yourselves from being defrauded. Read the following Report of the Executive Council and action of the Convention of the American Federation of Labor, at Scranton, Pa., on December 14, 1901, in reference to DECEPTIVE PUBLICATIONS:

A

NUMBER of souvenir books have been published in which the name of the American Federation of Labor has been used without authority or sanction of any kind from either the American Federation of Labor or its officers. The good name of our movement is thereby impaired, the interests of our fellow-workers injured, and fair-minded business men imposed upon and deceived. During the year we have endeavored to impress upon all that the only publication in which advertisements are received is our official monthly magazine, the AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST; and we have also endeavored to influence a more straightforward course by those who have transgressed in the direction indicated. In this particular we have not been as successful as we should be pleased to be enabled to report to you. However, we are more concerned with the future than the past; and in order to be helpful in eliminating this cause of grievous complaint, we make the following recommendations:

FIRST That we shall insist that no body of organized labor, nor shall any person issue a souvenir book claiming that such bock or any other publication is issued for or on behalf of the American Federation of Labor.

SECOND-That any city chosen by a convention of the American Federation of Labor to hold the convention following shall not directly or indirectly through its Central Labor Union or otherwise issue a souvenir book claiming that such book is issued for or on behalf of the American Federation of Labor. THIRD-That in the event of any such souvenir book being projected or about to be issued, directly or indirectly, by the Central Labor body in the city in which the convention was selected to be held, in violation of the letter and spirit of these recommendations, the Executive Council may change the city in which the convention is to be held to the one which received the next highest number of votes for that honor.

FOURTH-That the Executive Council is hereby directed to prosecute any person or persons in the courts who shall in any way issue souvenir books, directories or other publications in which the name of the American Federation of Labor is used as publisher, owner or beneficiary.

FIFTH-That it be again emphasized that the AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST is the official monthly magazine of the American Federation of Labor, and is the only publication in which advertisements are received. EXECUTIVE COUNCIL, A. F. OF L.

Report of Committee to Convention on the Above Report.

Perhaps there has been no more prolific source of dishonesty perpetrated in the name of organized labor than that involved in the publication of souvenir books. Unscrupulous projectors have victimized merchants and other friends of the movement in a most shameful fashion, and your committee heartily agrees with the strictures of the Executive Council upon the subject. We emphatically agree with the suggestions offered as a remedy and recommend their adoption. As an additional means to this end we would recommend that there be published in a conspicuous place in each issue of the AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST a notice to the effect that the American Federation of Labor is not sponsor nor interested in any souvenir publication of any kind.

ON OF LABOR

Adopted by the Convention of the American Federation of Labor, December 14, 1901.

Vol. XIX.

OCTOBER, 1912.

LABOR'S POLITICAL

CAMPAIGN.

ITS CAUSES AND PROGRESS—
LABOR'S DUTY.

No. 10

Τ

By SAMUEL GOMPERS.

HE political activity of the American Federaton of Labor has ever conformed to one policy. Our campaigns have never varied in nature, only in emphasis. From its organization the American Federation of Labor has advocated independent use of the ballot and non-partisan cooperation of the workers for the election to political offices of men from their own ranks that laws promoting the interests of Labor might be enacted and administered according to standards confirmed by our experiences as best adapted to further the welfare of the working people. In the course of industrial and political development it came to pass that the great financial and industrial powers began to make the most unscrupulous and pernicious use of their influence over the political agents and machinery of our Government, executive, legislative and judicial, to the end that these forces might be used against Labor in its struggles to secure economic betterment, social and moral uplift. Courts, by constantly usurping authority, by misuse of their power through interpreting laws, and by indiscriminate and unwarranted issuance of injunctions in labor disputes, were restricting the normal and necessary activities of labor organizations.

Organized labor found the accustomed channels of legislative relief no longer adequate or even accessible. Congress took no notice of our wrongs or demands for remedial legislation. Yet congressional action was imperative for progress. Because of this apathetic or actually hostile attitude of Congress, a more insistent course was determined. The presidents of all the affiliated national and international unions were invited to meet the Executive Council of the American Federation of Labor at headquarters on March 21, 1906, and participate in a conference relative to legislative and administrative conditions. This conference unanimously and enthusiastically prepared and adopted the document which will live in history known as "Labor's Bill of Grievances."

This document specifically called attention to: Non-enforcement of laws enacted in the interest of labor; the abuse of the injunction writ; the application of the Anti-Trust law to labor organizations; the denial by executive order of the right of petition to Government employes; the denial of rights to seamen and other matters of vital interest to the workers of our country. The "Bill of Grievances" was formally presented to the President of the United States, Theodore Roosevelt; the President pro tem. of the Senate, William P. Frye; and to the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Joseph G. Cannon. Its presentation was a declaration that the organized labor movement purposed to hold accountable those who were responsible for legislation enacted or for the failure to act upon legislative demands.

The inauguration of this declared purpose came in the following June when organized labor made a formal and aggressive entrance in the Second Congressional District of Maine to defeat for re-election Charles E. Littlefield-a most conspicuous and bitter enemy of labor. This campaign served a twofold purpose: It established a practical illustration of the significance of Labor's declaration that men in public affairs would be held responsible for their actions and it roused the working people to the seriousness of the situation and the dangers imminent, and proved to them that they possessed the political power through intelligent use of the ballot to secure such legislative remedies as were needed.

The year 1906 marks the beginning of more definite, concerted, organized participation in national politics by organized labor to the end that members favorable to their interests, or men from their own ranks, should be elected to Congress. As a result of the campaign of that year, some of those most hostile to Labor were not returned to office, six trade unionists were elected to Congress, and the course of action of those in office began to be more sympathetic. The small group of union card Congressmen signalized the direct participation of organized labor in the proceedings of the Federal Government, and its avowed intention of using its political strength as direct forces as well as a balance of power that would bring definite advantages. It was indisputable evidence that results would be secured.

In the presidential campaign of 1908, the demands of the workers were presented to the parties in convention. The dominant party again turned a deaf ear. The Democratic party solemnly obligated itself, if placed in

power, to enact legislation remedying many of the more grievous wrongs of Labor. Consequently the influence of organized labor was directed to secure the election of those who were pledged to carry out the party obligations. As a result of this election, the majority of the dominant party was still further decreased, and in addition four more trade unionists were elected members of the House of Representatives.

This further demonstration that organized labor was a political force that intended to utilize its political rights and influence, effected yet greater changes in the temper and attitude of those in power. The ultimate purpose, remedial legislation, was not yet realized. Cheered and convinced they were working along the right lines, the trade unionists entered the campaign. of 1910 with enthusiasm and determination. It was a most memorable and effective campaign; the union card group was increased to fifteen and so many of our enemies were defeated that the dominant party lost control of the House of Representatives and suffered a considerable reduction in its majority in the Senate.

The Labor Group in the House has been fittingly recognized by important committee appointments. With a true and tried trade unionist William. B. Wilson, coal miner and for eight years secretary of the United Mine Workers of America, as chairman of the House Committee on Labor, that committee has ceased to be a mere graveyard of labor measures and has become a potent power responsive to social and economic conditions and requirements. During the recent session of Congress, this committee did splendid work. It must be noted that in addition to the Labor Group, many Democratic members have been friendly and sympathetic, and exceedingly helpful in promoting Labor's interests. Furthermore, the assistance of certain of the Progressive Republicans must be duly recognized.

Realizing that the struggle for liberty and justice was only just begun, the Atlanta Convention of the American Federation of Labor, meeting in November, 1911, authorized and directed the Executive Council to take such action as its judgment might warrant to secure legislation from Congress, and in event of failure to secure the desired legislation, to take such action as might be deemed necessary in the presidential and congressional campaigns of 1912. The results of the presentation of Labor's cause to the various political parties are given below. Study of these political responses to Labor's demands will reveal that Labor asks no special privilege, but seeks only to secure equality of opportunity and activity, freedom and justice-seeks these not only in behalf of the workers, but for the betterment and uplift of all humanity, and would utilize its political power for humanitarian purposes.

Organized labor of our country is a forceful organization of intelligent, informed voters, alert, conscious of the tendencies of the age, aware of their own rights and duties with a scrupulous conception of the rights of all the people; they have been studying the situation earnestly, carefully following the records of the men seeking political preference. Their experiences have taught them the strength accruing from concerted action

and organization. For their convenience and information, as well as for every independent and thoughtful citizen of the land, the following statement, the unanimous sentiment of Labor's official representatives, the Executive Council of the American Federation of Labor, is presented:

LABOR'S 1912 POLITICAL
PROGRAM.

The American Federation of Labor, at its convention, November, 1911, unanimously adopted the following instructions to the Executive Council of the American Federation of Labor:

"The Executive Council is hereby further authorized and directed to take such further action as its judgment may warrant to secure the enactment of such legislation at the forthcoming session of Congress as shall secure the legal status of the organized movement of the wage-workers for freedom from unjust discrimination in the exercise of their natural, normal, and constitutional rights through their voluntary associations.

"And the Executive Council is further authorized and directed that in the event of a failure on the part of Congress to enact the legislation which we herein seek at the hands of Congress and the President to take such action as in its judgment the situation may warrant in the presidential and congressional elections of 1912."

The Executive Council of the American Federation of Labor, having these instructions under consideration, submitted to the national conventions of the Democratic and the Republican party planks directly affecting the rights and interests of the working people of America. The propositions submitted to both party conventions were identical. We here republish the declarations of the Democratic, the Republican, and the Progressive party (the latter party having been instituted after the close of the two other party convenventions), in so far as they directly affect or refer to the rights and interests. of the working masses. They are as follows:

Republican Party's Declaration.

"The Republican party is now, as always, a party of advanced and constructive statesmanship. It is prepared to go forward with the solution of those new questions which social, economic, and political development have brought into the forefront of the Nation's interest. It will strive, not only in the Nation, but in the several States, to enact the necessary legislation to safeguard the public health, to limit effectively the labor of women and children, to protect wage-earners engaged in dangerous occupations, to enact comprehensive and generous workmen's compensation laws in place of the present wasteful and unjust system of employers' liability, and in all possible ways to satisfy the just demand of the people for the study and solution of the complex and constantly changing problems of social welfare.

"In dealing with these questions, it is important that the rights of every individual to the freest possible development of his own powers and resources, and to the control of his own justly acquired property, as far as those are compatible with the rights of others, shall not be interfered with or destroyed. The social and political structure of the United States rests upon the civil liberty of the individual; and for the protection of that liberty the people have wisely, in the National and State constitutions, put definite