neous, like the sardines. One arm, like an immense club, is raised in front, while the other is too small to be conspicuous. The females have no large arm, and march under protection of the males. The stone-crab is here used as food, and reaches a large size. The shell requires the heaviest blows to fracture it. The intermittent fever is never known here. Pneumonia and affections of like nature are exceedingly rare. Diseases of the alimentary canal, as dysentery and diarrhea, are remarka bly infrequent. Bilious remittent is an occasional visitor, less frequent than it is in other portions of the South. Dengue, or break-bone fever, is also an occasional. Yellow-fever is a stranger; it never originates here, and is easily kept away by good quarantine regulations. The extreme equability of the temperature, and the benign influence of the tempered seaair, suit the delicate breathing organs of the consumptive in winter. The debility caused by the long-continued, though not excessive, heat of summer is counterbalanced by the great gain derived from the absence of rude, irritating winds. A marked difference is seen in this respect between this latitude and that of North Florida. In the latter section the mercury reaches a much higher and a much lower point. This delightful equability of temperature is the great and valuable point to be considered by the invalid who determines to "go South" for health. Many have had occasion to be thankful for the manifest comfort and extension of On our way down the coast, returning to Key West, the vessel ran very near a medium-sized leather-tortoise-Sphargis coriacea—a species thoroughly oceanic, and of such rarity that we give some statistics of its history. The first one found on this coast was taken in Boston Bay, in 1824, and sold to the proprietor of the old Museum for two hundred dollars. It is now in Mr. Kimball's museum in Boston. This creature measured seven feet and one inch in length. Rondelet speaks of one nearly eight feet in length, taken at Frontignan. The body is covered by a black leather-like shield, divided into seven prominent longitudinal ridges. In general appearance the reptile resembles the snapping-turtle, but the flippers are purely finlike. A small specimen, three feet in length, came into the possession of the writer at Nahant, where it was cast upon the beach. A bull-life gained by leaving the rude winds of the et-hole in the neck indicated its probable fate. In connection with these observations by the way, along the shores of Florida, it may be appropriate, and possibly of service to some, to record here certain facts concerning the climate, and its suitableness in cases of disease. So many different opinions have been expressed, the invalid is puzzled to know what to rely upon. As a physician, and one having no possible interest in the success of the commonwealth of Florida, beyond the ordinary desire to see all parts of our country yield the best and become .duly appreciated, living now far away, and with no prospect of ever returning to the country, I wish to be exact, and "nothing extenuate." After a residence of nearly eight years on one of the fortified keys of the reef, I venture to tabulate a few facts, offering no arguments. The localities under notice are the Dry Tortugas, Key West, Indian Key, and that portion of South Florida below Charlotte's Harbor or the mouth of Caloosahatchie. The keys upon the Florida Reef are wholly exempt from frost. Very rarely frost appears as far south as the Caloosahatchie. The keys of the reef are never visited with a temperature, in summer, above 92°. Twice only in eight years was the mercury above 90°. It averages 87°. In winter the average temperature is about 70°. In winter about every thirteenth day and the two succeeding ones are cooler, from the prevalence of a north wind; then the mercury is down to about 60°. A pleasant easterly trade-wind prevails at other times. The atmosphere is dry and bracing during the northers; no rain falls. Rain seldom falls during the winter. North for the genial air of the extreme South. The great drawbacks are the want of good public houses and a proper diet for the sick. It is reasonable to suppose, however, that as the wants increase, methods will be found to supply this present lack. To compare Key West with Havana, we would say that every season finds disappointed invalids returning from Havana for want of the ordinary comforts of home. The city is too close and noisy, and too Spanish. Key West would be a paradise for the sick or invalid were there decent accommodations. The house of Mr. Russell is well adapted, and it is fair to presume that as company increases the proprietor will find means to procure all the necessaries for the comfort of his guests. It is a truth long patent, that a good public house on the higher part of the island of Key West would be a godsend to the many who seek health or pleasure along the Florida Reef. SIESTA. SOFTLIER noon's magic moments bind her The lull of leaf, the breath of balm, Break, and bathe her in perfect calm. Sink where the well-head ceases seething: And with low recurrence of gentlest breathing AN EXAMINATION OF THE CLAIMS OF COLUMBUS. [Second Paper.] N a previous article we endeavored to show erosity-that deterred King John from lending Itha which led to the discovery of aid to the would-be voyager. Beginning with America was not the ingenious cogitation of Columbus, but that others, and in particular the Florentine Toscanelli, must be regarded as having devised it and imparted it to him. We reached the conclusion that the character of a scientific investigator does not belong to the Genoese mariner. the year 1415, expedition after expedition had been sent forth under the patronage of the royal family of Portugal. So much was it their practice to employ adventurous mariners in geographical investigation that, in 1454, Pope Nicholas V. felt himself warranted in issuing a bull which restricted the privilege of making disIt is, however, possible that, in the use made coveries to the Portuguese. One of their royal of a borrowed scheme, glory may be attained as family obtained for himself the surname of "the great as that which pertains to the author of Navigator;" while another, on account of the such scheme. We are now to inquire how much many discoveries made under his auspices on credit is due to Columbus for the carrying out the coasts of Africa, bore the title "African." of Toscanelli's plan. Nor had the spirit of enterprise lost any of In popular grandiloquence he is depicted as its influence at the period when Columbus apa man magnanimous in his sentiments; sub-plied for aid. In the very year in which his limely raised above all sublunary and selfish considerations; depressed by the malevolent accusations of enemies, yet serene because wholly unaccused by conscience; he is the grand type of the almost wild, the self-devoted, whole-souled enthusiast. We confess that we find little in the historic facts which bear upon the case which seems to warrant our imputing to Columbus such a character. We can not conscientiously bring him in guilty of heroism even in the second degree. The essence of heroism, as we are in the habit of understanding the term, consists in self-denial. It may take various shapes, and render men martyrs, now for religion's sake, now for the cause of patriotism, or, again, in behalf of scientific inquiry and pure truth; but in every instance the martyr spirit is a heaven - sent self-forgetfulness. When we examine into the nature of this we readily perceive that it has two measures; first, the meagreness of any advantages of a pecuniary character that may be looked for as the probable result of an undertaking; and secondly, the amount of personal hazard expected to be incurred in its prosecution. Tested by the former of these standards, how does the great discoverer appear? Is he the martyr whose flame-like zeal so thoroughly devours him as to leave behind not a trace of self? Does he so identify himself with his adopted scheme of discovery that its execution is all his ambition, its success his glory and his gain? The truth is, that the pecuniary advantages which were expected to result from the successful carrying out of the enterprise in question were simply enormous; and the expectations and absolutely uncompromising demands of Columbus were correspondingly large. It has been the habit to vilify the King of Portugal for his treatment of Columbus. No more palpable act of historical injustice has ever been committed. It was not the want of enterprise—it was not the lack of princely gen request was denied by King John this monarch sent two expeditions to explore the western coasts of Africa. In 1486 Bartholomew Diaz was dispatched with two ships under the patronage of the same sovereign, and discovered the cape now called by John the Cape of Good Hope, inasmuch as it seemed to indicate the possibility of reaching India by doubling it. This expedition of Diaz was the twelfth which had been equipped and sent forth from the shores of Portugal since the year 1415. Evidently the insurmountable obstacle which impeded the progress of Columbus was not the narrow-mindedness or parsimony of the court of Lisbon. A story is told by way of explanation, which very likely has some ground-work of truth. We are informed that the proposition of Columbus was referred to a royal mathematical commission, consisting of the two physicians of the King and Bishop Ortiz of Ceuta. This learned trio are reported to have condemned the plan as ridiculous. The story in this shape must, we think, be dismissed as either a misconception or a misrepresentation. Only ten years have elapsed since Alphonso, the predecessor of their present sovereign, consulted Toscanelli in regard to the very plan which they are now required to consider. It is only reasonable to suppose that they had been originally aware of this, or that now, at least, they were made acquainted with the fact and with the suggestions made by Toscanelli. They must undoubtedly have had access to the royal archives in which Toscanelli's map was preserved. It can not be, moreover, that they were unaware that the plan submitted to them was based upon the idea, then universally prevalent among the learned, that nothing intervened between Europe and India but ocean; and we should naturally consider that, with the characteristic modesty of truly learned men, the Portuguese mathematicians would have hesitated to pronounce a sentence of so sweeping a char acter. We are inclined to think that it was not the plan of action which Columbus proposed that was declared to be visionary and extravagant, but the scale of the recompense which he demanded for his services. er. ticipations ever were gorgeous, they were those which presented themselves to the mind of the Genoese map-maker of Lisbon as he stood before King John of Portugal in 1484, and pleaded right earnestly for the acceptance of his plan. Washington Irving's words in regard to this matter were intended to glorify the magnanimity of his hero. They sound, in truth, like the keenest satire. "The only difficulty that remained," says the biographer, "was the terms; for Columbus, being a man of lofty and noble sentiments, demanded high and honorable titles and rewards." The demonstration of a geographical theory, too, might have charms for men of ethereal and visionary composition; but his was a strictly logical temperament, that sought a basis of solidity for his convictions and his schemes. Sometimes it is a misfortune to a man to be possessed of a conscience. In Christopher Columbus we have an illustration of the danger They created for their unfortunate possessor "the only difficulty" that lay in his path. They induced him to make demands of a truly heroic magnitude; they irresistibly hindered him from abating one jot or tittle from those demands. Let us, however, do this inflexible barterer full justice. He shall speak for himself. His requisitions, as given by Washington Irving, were to the following effect: Whatever may have been the truth, there were two persons who evidently were not altogether persuaded of the absurdity of the scheme proposed. One of these was the King; the other the Bishop of Ceuta. John, it would seem, had already made up his mind as to the feasibility of the project of Columbus, before submitting the matter to his council of cosmographers, and it is clear that his purpose was And it was by no means honor alone that resolute to attempt its execution. At this time, was coveted by our ancient mariner. He justa very large number of exploring expeditions ly appreciated the emptiness of fame, the vaporhaving been sent out at the expense of the Por-ous character of noble titles and heraldic glory. tuguese, their exchequer was growing somewhat Something more substantial commended itself lean. Notwithstanding this condition of things, to his eminently practical philosophy. the reasons adduced by Columbus are of so weighty a description that the royal consent to his application seems actually to have been granted. All obstacles are removed, and the noble ambition of the self-denying devotee is about to be realized. One trifling consideration, however, remains. It is a consideration that not unfrequently mars the martyr, and degrades the almost hero into a common traffick-ous nature of "lofty and noble sentiments." Columbus has no love for his plan-his soul is not in it. He is like the shepherd whose own the sheep are not. Nothing prevents the success of his application to King John but the stupendous demands of the self-denying man of the sea. Columbus was the son-in-law of the hereditary governor of the island of Porto Santo, one of the Azores. Fayal and Pico, two others of the same group, were known by him to have their hereditary governors. A goodly vision arose before his eye. He was driving a miserable existence by the drawing of maps. As a merchant he had not met with very flattering success. Might he not attain this as a geographical adventurer? In the capacity not of hereditary colonial governor of a single island, but as viceroy of all the lands upon 'which he should chance to set foot during his voyage-as lord high admiral of all the waters adjacent to such lands-he might distance all competitors. Here was a chance not merely to snatch the jewel of glory, but to possess himself of the more substantial jewels that sparkled in the glow of India's sun. No paltry Pico or Fayal should pour its insular revenue into his coffers. No Porto Santo should leave him, as it had his departed father-in-law, with hereditary name and fame, but without an hereditary moidore. He would secure for himself a viceroyalty which would enable him to rival, perhaps to outshine in wealth and power, the sovereign before whose throne he was now a suppliant. The land of spices should breathe celestial fragrance around him; the birth-place of the diamond and ruby should pour its sparkling tribute at his feet. The Cipango and Cathay of Marco Polo should contribute their glittering gems to adorn his vice-regal coronet. Verily, if an 1. That he should have for himself during his life, and his heirs and successors forever, the office of admiral in all the lands and continents which he might discover or acquire in the ocean, with similar honors and prerogatives to those enjoyed by the high admiral of Castile in his district. 2. That he should be viceroy and governorgeneral over all the said lands and continents, with the privilege of nominating three candidates for the government of each island or province, one of whom should be selected by the sovereign. 3. That he should be entitled to reserve for himself one-tenth of all pearls, precious stones, gold, silver, spices, and all other articles and merchandises in whatever manner found, bought, bartered, or gained within his admiralty, the costs being first deducted. In this last stipulation we consider that the heroic character of Columbus fully develops itself. Its every clause is a demonstration of the comprehensiveness of his mind. In few words he has managed to convey a meaning that is simply prodigious. In the style there is no redundancy. We vainly seek for deficiency in the matter. Majestic conception! The dwarfed intelligence of sublunary John is incapable of entertaining it. Its comprehen sion demanded loftiness and nobility of senti- ing so solely by the reflection "that the enterment, and these had been denied to the sover-prise if successful would involve discoveries eign of Portugal. The hopes of Columbus are too important to be grasped at by any but a dashed to the ground. He meets monarchical sovereign power, and that the Spanish governmeanness with more than imperial haughtiness ment might be displeased at his undertaking it and inflexibility. His magnanimous soul will on his own account." He therefore wrote to not condescend to accept a less magnanimous Queen Isabella, strongly recommending Coprice than that which he has named. lumbus and his plans to her attention. And we must confess that King John was Arrived at Cordova, on his way to meet her right. For what was it that was proposed? Co- majesty, Columbus found himself in charge of lumbus insists upon receiving a tenth part of all Alonzo de Quintanilla, controller of the treasthe clear gains arising from traffic that might ury of Castile. This dignitary exerted all his be carried on with the lands which he hoped influence in the furtherance of the projects of to reach. But those lands were no new unex- Columbus. Most important was the service plored territories, about which it was matter which he rendered to him in introducing him of uncertainty whether their productions were to the celebrated Gonzalez de Mendoza, Archvaluable, or whether even they had existence. bishop of Toledo, and Grand Cardinal of Spain. Columbus, as we have seen, never dreamed of Mendoza wielded so powerful an influence in making discoveries before he made them, nor the affairs of the kingdom that Peter Martyr even realized that he had made them after facetiously styled him "the third King of having done so. The lands to which he con- Spain.' A full explanation of the views of sidered himself bound were none other than Columbus satisfied him of their profound imIndia and the neighboring islands, the inex-portance, and he became an active promoter haustible source of Venetian wealth, magnificence, and power. To become the viceroy of such lands, and to enjoy a clear tenth of all the gains arising from a trade which should equal if not exceed that carried on by the republic of Venice, was a consideration that might naturally exercise no small influence upon the spirit of Columbus; to concede such a viceroyalty as he demanded would have been a step involving no little hazard for the King of Portugal. It actually implied the founding of a rival power which must inevitably eclipse the glory and not improbably menace the security of his own. That it was solely the extravagance of Columbus's demands, and not the absurdity of his plan, which caused his ill success at the court of Lisbon, is evident from the sequel of the story regarding the royal mathematical commission. The Bishop of Ceuta, one of that memorable junta, advised King John to dispatch a vessel secretly to carry out his plan. The counsel of this ecclesiastical Achitophel was actually followed; but the command of the expedition was intrusted to a person altogether lacking in knowledge and perseverance, and after a few days the vessel returned to port. of his object. It is true that among the learned assembled at Salamanca to pronounce upon the propositions laid before them, certain were found who considered them opposed to the statements of Scripture, and, what was probably quite as appalling, to the geographical notions of the fathers. Absolutely overwhelming were supposed to be the arguments obtained from Lactantius and Augustine. They both denounce the idea that there are antipodes-the one because it is simply absurd to imagine that there are people who walk with their heels upward and their heads hanging down; the other on the theological ground that if there were such phenomena, it would prove that there were members of the human family who had another primogenitor than Adam, inasmuch as it was manifestly impossible for any to have passed from one side of the globe to the other through the intervening ocean. On the part of the sovereigns, however, the unfavorable opinions of some of the council and the indecision of others had little effect. There was a manifest disposition to engage in the enterprise if it could be shown to offer a reasonable prospect of success. When he is just on the verge, however, of attaining his wishes, the unfortunate magnanimity of Columbus appears once more upon the scene. Like Socrates of old, he had a When from Portugal we follow our disgusted hero to Spain we find that his soul retains all its original magnanimity. The self-same demands are made-the same inflexibility is manifested in refusing to make the smallest" dæmon;" but it was of a somewhat more abatement from the price which he has placed upon his labors. On his entry into Spain he was most favorably received. One of the most influential of the Spanish noblesse, the Duke of Medinaceli, was among the first to whom he made known his projects. So warmly did the Duke enter into his plans that he was actually on the point of granting him the use of three or four caravels which lay ready for sea in his harbor of Port St. Mary. He was deterred from doVOL. XLII.-No. 250.- 34 practical character than its ancient counterpart. "So fully imbued was Columbus," says Irving, "with the grandeur of his enterprise that he would listen to none but princely conditions." His demands were the same as those which had caused the failure of his application to the King of Portugal. More moderate conditions were offered, but the noble soul of the ancient mariner disdained them. "It is impossible," writes Irving, "not to admire the great constancy of purpose and loftiness of spirit dis played by Columbus. Nothing could make him descend to terms which he considered beneath the dignity of his enterprise." As if the dignity of his enterprise would have suffered even if its achievement had been requited with the most inadequate payment! How unfortunate for searchers after truth should their doings be dignified in proportion to the recompense of their labors! Much as the genial charity of Irving may be admired, we must excuse ourselves altogether from regarding the pertinacity of Columbus as affording any indication of moral and intellectual sublimity. Had a noble enthusiasm fired his soul, he would have spent no eighteen years in endeavoring to secure for himself a profitable pecuniary consequence of his adventure. His inflexible purpose to make the expedition a source of wealth, or, to quote Irving's words, his "loftiness of spirit," would have prevented his ever sailing from Spain at all had the concessions which he demanded not been complied with. temporary of Columbus, and withal, we should judge, a man of unbounded credulity, writes: "The stories of the Lestrigonians and of Polyphemus, who fed on human flesh, are no longer doubtful! Attend, but beware lest thy hair bristle with horror!" From his first interviews with the natives of the islands of San Salvador and Hispaniola, Columbus informs us that he had learned of the dreadful warfare waged by these savages upon their inoffensive neighbors, and of their odious practice of devouring the flesh of their captives. We venture to avow the extremely heretical belief that this story of Caribbean cannibalism is a pure fabrication of the lofty genius of Columbus, devised for the sole purpose of justifying the endeavor on his part to make slaves of the islanders. The story appears to have no foundation save the authority of the admiral. In testing its reliability, therefore, we must examine what were the grounds upon which he based a conclusion so derogatory to the charac of two kinds: first, the reports of the antiCaribbeans, and secondly, the circumstantial evidences gathered by himself and his companions in the native seats of these atrocious In regard to the first of these we can not see that any course lies open to the impartial investigator save its total rejection as absolutely valueless. Let the facts be considered. But let us accompany the noble-hearted ad-ter of the Caribs. miral to the island of Hispaniola. "So loving, The sources of Columbus's information are so tractable, so peaceable are these people," says Columbus in his journal, "that I swear to your majesties there is not in the world a better nation. They love their neighbors as themselves, their discourse is ever sweet and gen-anthropophagi. tle" (it is here to be observed that the Pentecostal gift of understanding all the languages of all the islands which he visited seems to have been vouchsafed to Columbus), "and, though they are naked, yet their manners are decorous and praiseworthy." Columbus very soon after reaching this island has the misfortune to lose one of his ships. Nothing could exceed the kindness of the natives, especially that of their leader, called Guacanagari. Some of those who accompany the admiral are captivated by the character of the natives and the productiveness of the island, and, not being particularly enamored of a "home on the rolling deep," expressed to Columbus the desire to establish themselves upon the island. Visions of vice-regal state at once present themselves to his prophetic eye. His consent is readily given. The first step no doubt will be to obtain the permission of the Indian prince who, with his people, had treated him so graciously. He will proffer at least some beads and trinkets in exchange for the necessary land. Another measure than this, however, commended itself to Columbus. A fortress must be built! The wreck of his caravel would furnish materials, he conceived, for erecting this; the guns of that ill-fated craft might be placed upon its walls. But it will naturally be asked by the inquiring mind, why build a fortress where nothing but kindness and generosity had been experienced? The answer is that these warlike measures were taken for the protection of the natives against their enemies! So at least the noblehearted Guacanagari is said to have been informed. But what enemies? Why, the terrible Caribs, a race of whom Peter Martyr, a con Christopher Columbus and certain others, all natives of European countries, arrive at the islands of San Salvador, Cuba, etc. All, save one Israelite, who seems to have concentrated in his single erudite self all the linguistic lore of the party, having at command Hebrew, Chaldee, and Arabic, are restricted to the use of European languages. They find the islands occupied by a race of beings differing in type from any with whom they have heretofore been acquainted. The language of these people is altogether dissimilar in genius and structure to their own. No doubt all intercommunication will be brief, if not witty. The range of subjects discussed will be limited. It requires no inconsiderable time to acquire a new language, even if that language be a member of the same family as that to which our own belongs. A somewhat painful and tedious exercise of intellectual force is called for when the Englishman attempts to obtain a knowledge of his next-door neighbor's dialect. It would be difficult for an adventurous traveler to find credence for the story that, without having ever seen a French grammar or heard a single French word, or even dreamed of the existence of the French language, he had landed on the sunny shores of France, and at once conversed with the natives, and conversed, too, upon a very extensive range of subjects. Should he modestly confine himself to the statement that by dint of agonized expressions and laborious gesticulations he had managed to convey the im |