a stone in the Villa Giustiniani, which he seems to think had been brought from tho same grotto.

This grotto and valley were formerly frequented in summer, and particularly the first Sunday in May, by the modern Romans, who altached a salubrious quality to the fountain which trickles from an orifice at the bottom of the vault, and, overflowing the little pools, creeps down the matted grass into the brook below. The brook is the Ovidian Àimo, whose name and qualities are lost in the modern Aquataccio. The valley itself is called Valle di Caffarelli, from the dukes of that name who made over then loun ain to the Pallavicini, with sixty rubbia of adjoining land.

There can be little doubt that this long dell is the Egerian valley of Juvenal and the pausing place of Unbritius, notwithstanding the generality of his commentators have supposed the descent of the satirist and his friend to havo heen into the Arician grove, where the nymph met Hippolitus, and where she was more pecularly worshipped.

The step from the Porta Capena to the Alban hill, fifteen miles distant, would be too considerablo, unless we were to bolieve in the wild conjecture of Vossius, who makes that gale travel from its present station, where he pretends it was during the reign of the Kings, as far as the Arician grove, and then makes it recede to its old site with the shrinking city.* The tufo, or pumice, which the poet prefers to marble, is the substance composing the bank in which iho grotto is sunk.

The modern topographers † find in the grouto the statue of the nymph, and nine niches for the Muses, and a late traveller has discovered that the cave is restored to that simplicity which the poet regretted has been exchanged for injudicious ornament. Bui the headless statue is palpably rather a male than a nymph, and has none of the attributes ascribed to it at present visible. The nine Muses could hardly. have stood in six niches; and Juvenal certainly does not allude to any individual cave.S Nothing can be collected from the satirist but that somewhere near the Porta Capena was a spot in which it was supposed Numa held nightly consultations with his nymph, and where there was a grove and a sacred fountain, and fanes once consecrated to the Muses ; and that from this spot there was a descent into the valley of Egeria, where were several artificial caves.' It is clear that the statues of the Muses made no part of the decoration which the satirest thought misplaced in these caves; for he expressly assigns other fanes (delubra) to these divinities above the valleyand moreover iells us that they had been ejected to make room for the Jews. In fact, the little temple, now called that of Bacchus, was formerly thought to belong !.. the Muses, and Nardini || places them in a poplar grove, which was in his time above the valley, It is probable, from the inscription and position, that the cave now shown may,

bo one of the " artificial caverns," of which, indeed, there is another a little way higher up the valley, under a tuft of 'alder bushes : but a single grotto of Egeria is a mere

Ægeria est quæ præbot aquas doa grata Camænis

fila Nuinæ conjunx consiliumque suit.' Qui lapis videtur ex eodem Egeria fonte, aut ejus vicinia isthuc comportatus.” Diarium lialic. p. 153.

* De Magnit. Vet. Rom. ap. Græv. Ant. Rom. tom. iv. p. 1507.

† Echinard, Descrizione di Roma e dell' Agro Romano, corretto dall' Abate Venuti, in Roma, 1750. They believe in the grotto and nymph. “ Simulacro di questo fonte, essendovi sculpite le acque a pie di esso. 1 Classical Tour, chap. vi. p. 217. vol. ii.

$ “ Substitit ad veteres arcus, madidamque Capenam,

Hic ubi nocturnæ Numa constituebat amicæ.
Nunc sacri fontis nemus, et delubra locantur
Judæis quorum cophinum fænamque supellex.
Omnis enim populo mercedemn pendere jussa est
Arbor, et ejectis mendicat silva Camænis.
In vallem Egeriæ descendimus, et speluncas
Dissimiles veris : quanto præstantius esset
Numen aquæ, viridi si margine clauderet undas
Herba, nec ingenuum violarent marmora tophum'

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modern invention, grafted upon the application of the epithet Egerian to these nymphea in general, and which might send us to look for the haunts of Numa upon the banks of the Thames.

Our English Juvenal was not seduced into mistranslation by his acquaintanco with Pope : ho carefully preserves the correct plural

“ Thence slowly winding down the vale, we view

The Egerian grots ; oh, how unlike the true!” The valley abounds with springs,* and over those springs, which the Muses might haunt from their neighbouring groves, Egeria presided : hence she was said to supply them with water ; and she was the nymph of the grottos through which the fountains were taught to flow.

The whole of the monuments in the vicinity of the Egerian valley have receivod names at will, which have been changed at will. Venutit owns he can see no traces of the temples of Jove, Saturn, Juno, Venus, and Diana, which Nardini found, or hoped to find.' The' mutatorium of Caracalla's circus, the temple of Honour and Virtue, the temple of Bacchus, and, above all, the temple of the god Rediculus, are the antiquaries' despair.

The circus of Caracalla depends on a medal of that emperor cited by Fulving Ursinus, of which the reverse shows a circus, supposed, however, by some to represent tho Circus Maximus. It gives a very good idea of that place of exercise. The soil has been but little raised, if we may judge froin the small cellular structuro at tho end of the Spina, which was probably the chapel of the god Consus. This cell is hall beneath the soil, as it must havo been in the circus itself; for Dionysius I could not bo persuaded to boliovo that this divinity was the Roman Nepluno, because his allar was under ground.



« Greal Nemesis !
Here, where the ancient paid thee homage long."

Stanza cxxxii. linos 2 and 3. We read in Suetonius, that Augustus, from a warning received in a dream.& counterfeited, once a year, the beggar, sitting before the gate of his palace with his hand nollowed and stretched out for charity. A statue formerly in the Villa Borghese, and which should be now at Paris, represents the Emperor in that posture of supplication. The object of this self-degradation was the appeasement of Nemesis, the perpetual attendant on good fortune, of whose power the Roman conquerors were also reminded by certain symbols arrached to their cars of triumph. The symbols were the whip and the croialo, which were discovered in the Nemesis of the Vatican. The attitude of beggary made the above statue pass for that of Belisarius: and until the criticism of Winkelmann II had rectified the mistake, one fiction was called in to

*“ Undique e solo aquæ scaturunt.” Nardını, lib. iii. cap. iii. † Echinard, &c. Cic. cit. p. 297, 298 | Antiq. Rom. lib. ii. cap. xxxi. § Suoton. in Vit. Augusti, cap. 91. Casaubon, in the note, refers to Plutarch's Lives of Camillus and Æmilius Paulus, and also to his apophthegms, for the character of this deity. The hollowed hand was reckoned the last degree of degradation ; and when tho dead body of the præfect Rufinus was borno about in triumph by tho people, the indignity was increased by putting his hand in that position. Il Storia delle Arti

, &c. lib. xii. cap. iii. tom. ii. p. 422. Visconti calls the statuo, howover, n Cybcle. It is given in the Musco Pio-Clement. tom. i. par. 40. The Abato Fua (Spiogazione doi Rami. Storia, &c. tom. iji. p. 513.) calls'it a Chrisippus.

support another. It was the same fear of the sudden termination of prosperity that inude Amasis king of Egypt warn his friond Polycratos of Samos, that the gods loved those whose lives were chequered with good and evil fortunes.' Nemesis was supo posed to lie in wait particularly for the prudent; that is, for those whose caution rendered them accessible only to mere accidents : and her first altar was raised on the banks of the Phrygian Æsepus by Adrastus, probably the prince of that name who killed the son of Cresus by mistake. Hence the goddess was called Adrastea.*

The Roman Nemesis was sacred and august: there was a temple to her in the Palatine under the name of Rhamnusia :t so great indeed was the propensity of the ancients to trust to the revolution of events, and to believe in the divinity of Fortune, that in the same Palatine there was a temple to the Fortune of the day. This is the last superstition which retains its hold over the human heart; and, from concentrating in one object the credulity so natui al to man, has always appeared strongest in those unembarrassed by other articles of belief. The antiquaries have supposed this gode dess to be synonymous with Fortune and with Fate ;g but it was in her vindiciive quality that she was worshipped under the name of Nemesis.



He, their sire, Bulcher'd lo make a Roman holiday.

Stanza cxli. lines 6 and 7. Gladiators were of two kinds, compelled and voluntary; and were supplied from several conditions :- from slaves sold for that purpose; from culprits ; from varbarian captives either taken in war, and, after being led in triumph, set upart for the games, or thosu seized and condenined as reliels ; also from free citizens, some fighting for hire (auclorati), others from a depraved ambition: at last even knights and senators were exhibited, - a disgrace of which the first tyrant was naturally ihe first inventor.ll In the end, dwarfs, and even women, fought ; an enormity prohibited by Severus. of these the most to be pitied undoubiedly were the bar barian captives ; and to this species a Cbristian writer I justly applies the epithet " innocent," to distinguish thein from the professional gladiators." Aurelian and Claudius supplied great numbers of these unfortunate victims; the one after his triumph, and the other on the

* Dict. de Bayle, article Adrastea.

li is enunerated by the regionary Victor.
1 Fortunæ liujusce divi. Cicero mentions her, de Legib.



See Questiones Romanæ, &c. ap. Græv. Antiq. Roman. tom. v. p. 942. See also
Muratori, Nov. Thesaur. Inscrip. Vet. tom. I. p. 88, 89, where there are three Latin
and one Greek inscription to Nemesis, and others to Fate.

|| Julius Cæsar, who rose by the fall of the aristocracy, brought Furius Leptinus and A. Calenus upon the arena.

1 Tertullian," certe quidem et innocentes gladiatores in ludum veniunt, et voluptatis publicæ hostiæ fiant.” Just. Lips Saturn. Sermon. lib. i. cap. iii.

pretext of a rebellion.* No war, says Lipsius,t was ever so destructive to tho human race as these sports. In spite of the laws of Constantine and Constans, gladiatorial shows survived tho old established religion more than seventy years; but they owed their final exiincuion to the courage of a Christian. In the year 404, on tie kalunds of January, they were exhibiting the shows in the Flavian amphitheatre befure tho' usual imioense concourse of people. Almachius or Telemachus, an eastern monk, who liad travelled to Romne intent on his holy purpose, rushed into the inidst of the arena, and endeavoured to separate the combatants. The prætor Alypius, a person incredibly attached to these games,t gave instant orders to the gladiators to slay him; and 'l'elemachus gained the crown of martyrdom, and the title of saint, which surely has never either before or since been awarded for a more noble exploit. Honorius immediately abolished the shows, which were never afterwards revived. The story is told by 'Theodoret 9 and Cassiodorus || and seems worthy of credit nutwithstanding its place in the Ruinan Bosides the torrents of blood which flowed at the funerals, in the amphitheatres, the circus, the forums, and othor public places, gladiators were introduced at feasis, and tore each cther to pieces amidst the supper tables, to the great delight and applause of the guests. Yei Lipsius permits himself to suppose the loss of courage, and the evident degeneracy of mankind, to be nearly connected with the abuition of these bloody spectacles. **


Here, where the Roman million's blame or praise
Was death or life, the playthings of a crowd."

Stanza cxlii. lines 5 and 6. When one gladiator wounded another, ho shouted, " he has it,” hoc habet," or " habet.” The wounded combatant dropped his weapon, and advancing to the edge of the arena, supplicaled the spectators. If he had fought well, the people saved him; if otherwiso, or as thoy happened to be inclinod, they turned down ihoir thumbs, and he was slain. They were occasionally so savage that they woro impatient if á combat lasted longer than ordinary without wounds or death. The emperor's presence generally saved the vanquished ; and it is recorded as an instance of Caracalla's ferocity, that ho sont those who supplicated him for lifo, in a spectacle, at Nicomedia, to ask tho pooplo; in other words, handed thom over to be slain. A 8.milur ceroinony is observod ai tho Spanish bull-lights. Tho magistrato prosides ; and alier the horsonion and piccadores have fought the bull, tho maladore stops forward and bows to hiin for permission to kill the animal. Ir the bull has done his duty by killing two or three horses, or a man, which last is rare, the people interfero with shouls, the ladies wavo their handkerchiefs, and the animal is saved. The wounds and death of the horses are accompanied with the loudest acclamations, and many gestures of delight, especially from the female portion of the audience, including

Vopiscus, in vit. Aurel. and in vit. Claud. ibid. 7. “Credo imd scio nullum bellum tantam cladem vastitiemque generi humano mtulisse, quain hos ad voluplatem ludos." Just. Lips. ibid. lib, i. сар. . xii.

1 Augustinus (lib. vi, confess, cap: viii.). “ Alypium suum gladiatorii spectaculi inhiatu incredibilitcr abreptum,” scribit. ib. lib. i. cap. xii.

s His . Eccles. cap. xxvi. lib. v.
# Cassiod, Tripartita, l. x. c. xi. Saturn. ib. ib.

9 Baronius, ad. ann. et in notis ad Martyrol. Rom. I. Jan. See - Marangoni delle memorie sacro e profano dell'Anfiteatro Flavio, p. 25. edit. 1746.

** “ Quod ? non tu Lipsi momentum aliquod habuissa consos ad virtutem ? Magnuin. Tempora nostra, nosque ipsos videamus. Oppidum occo unun altorumvo captum, direptum est; tumultus circa nos, non in nobis : et lamen concidimus el lure bamur. Ubi robur, ubi tot per ammos meditata sapientim studia ? ubi ille animus qui possit licero, si fraclus illabutur orbis ?.". &c. ibid. lib. i. cap. xxv. The prototype of Mr. Windham's panegyric on bull-baiting.

those of the gentlest blood. Every thing depends on habit. Tho author of Childo Plarold, the writer of this note, and one or two other Englishmen, who have certainly in other days borne the sight of a pitched battle, were, during the summer of 1809, in the governor's box at the great amphitheatre of Santa Maria, opposite to Cadiz.

T'he death of one or two horsus completely satisfied their curiosity. A gentleman present, observing them shudder and look pale, noticed that unusual reception of so delighutúl a sport io some young ladies, who stared and smiled, and continued their

auses as another house fell bleeding to the ground. One bull killed three horses ojjhis own horns. He was saved by acclainations, which were redoubled when it was known he belonged to a priest.

An Englishnan, who can be much pleased with seeing two men beat themselves to pieces, cannot bear to look at a horse galloping round an arena with his bowels trailing on the ground, and turns from the speciacle und the spectators with loiror and disgust.



" And afar
The Fiber winds, and the broad ocean laves
The Latin coast," &c. &c.

Stanza clxxiv. lines 2, 3, and 4. The whole declivity of the Alban hill is of unrivalled beauty, and from the convent on the highest point, which has succeeded to the temple of the Latian Jupiter, the prospect embraces all the objects alluded to in tho cited stanza ; the Mediterranean; the whole scene of the latter half of the Æneid, and the coast from beyond the mouth of the Tiber to the headland of Circæuin and the Cape of Terracina.

The site of Cicuro's villa may be supposed either at the Grotta Ferrata, or at the Tusculum of Prince Lucien Buonaparte.

The former was thought some years ago the actual site, as may be seen from Middleton's Life of Cicero. At present it has lost something of its credit, except for the Domenichinos. Nine monks of the Greek order live there, and the adjoining villa is a cardinal's summer-house. The other villa, called Rufinella, is on the suminit of the hill above Frascati, and many rich remains of Tusculum have been found there, besides seventy-two statues of different merit and preservation, and seven busts.

From the same eminence are seen the Sabine hills, embosomed in which lies tho long valley of Rustica. There are several circumstances which tend to establish-thu identity of this valley with the “Usticaof Florace ; and it seems possible that the mosaic pavement which the peasants uncover by throwing up thu earth of a vineyard may belong to his villa. Ristica is pronounced short, not according to our stress upon

-"Usticæ cubantis." – It is more rational to think that we are wrong than that the inhabitants of this secluded valley have changed their tone in this word. The addition of the consonant prefixed is nothing : yet it is necessary to be aware that Rustıra may be a modern name which the peasants may have caught from the antiquaries.

The villa. or the mosaic, is in a vineyard on a knoll covered with chestnut trees. A stream runs down the valley, and although it is not true, as said in the guide books, that this stream is called Licenza, yet there is a village on a rock at the head of the valley which is so denominated, and which may have taken its name from the Digentia. Licenza contains 700 inhabitants. On a peak a little way beyond is Civitella, containing 300. On the banks of the Anio, a little before you turn up into Valle Rus. tica, to the left, about an hour from the villa, is a town called Vicovaro, another favourable coincidence with the Varia of the poet. At the end of the valley, towards the Anio, there is a bare hill, crowned with a little town called Bardela. At the foot of this hill the rivulet of Licenza flows, and is almost absorbed in a wide sandy bed before it reaches the Anio. Nothing can be more fortunate for the lines of this poet, whether in a metaphorical or direct sense :

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