functions as a medium of exchange. Now, it is impossible to look at the fact of the enormous supplies yearly coming from California, and to calculate the probable supply from Australia in another year, without arriving at the conclusion that the conditions under which gold has hitherto been the principal medium of exchange, or the basis of a paper currency, are vanishing! It will be gross folly and infatuation to regard the facts of the case in any other light than as pointing to a rapid and permanent alteration in the value of gold, relatively to all other products of labour; and that being so, it will be madness not to make timely provision for new economical conditions and pecuniary relations, involving, not individual obligations and interests only, but national ones too.

The limits of this notice do not allow of amplification on the currency view of the facts. A word or two is needful on the economical view of them. The public journals talk much of the vast development of wealth consequent on the gold discoveries. The one idea in the minds of such writers and talkers is this-that as gold will purchase all other things, the people who have, or can find most of it, must be wealthy; nay, more, that the discovery and production of gold adds to the general wealth of the world! If this were so, then-if one half the world could find gold under its feet to-morrow, and this same gold be exchanged with the other half, all would be well off! A moment's reflection will show that, in the case supposed, the one half, producing gold, would give that for the substantial commodities of food and clothing, produced by the other half-which other half would have the gold-and nothing else to eat and drink, or to clothe itself with. The supposition is an absurdity; and so, in a less degree, but equally in principle, is the idea, that Great Britain will gain by the gold diggings of Mount Alexandria. What are the facts? Labour is withdrawn from the production of sheep and wool to the digging of gold!-Instead of wool reaching England, in exchange for manufactured goods, there will come nuggets of gold-with which, neither the spindles or looms of England can be employed. The merchant and manufacturer will have the gold in place of his manufactured goods-and circulated or exchanged as that gold may be, the issue will be this, that Australia has got a substantial article of food or clothing, and Great Britain has got a certain quantity of gold!

It is idle to shut our eyes to the fact, that the discovery of gold in Australia will to a large extent practically reduce the exchange betwixt that colony and this country to an exchange of gold (and that rapidly falling in value,) for articles of food, clothing, and luxury-Great Britain rejoicing in its glittering treasure, and Australia revelling in luxurious abundance of food, clothing, and splendour!

Our space does not admit of considering the effects of the influx of gold on the great question of the currency. It is to be feared that there will be only too frequent occasion to recur to it in future Numbers of the Eclectic.'

MANY OTHER TOPICS CROWD UPON US, BUT WE MUST PASS THEM BY in order to say a few words respecting the impending election. We had expected to be able to announce the dissolution of parliament. It has not, however, yet taken place, but is expected to occur in a few days. Within a very short time of this Journal being in the hands of our readers, it will be matter of history. We take advantage of the interval to ad

dress a few words of counsel to our friends. In doing this, we assume nothing. It would be idle to pretend to any authority. We speak only as honest men to honest men, and we ask for our suggestions such consideration only as they merit. We have evidently arrived at a crisis. This language, we are aware, is common. It has been used a thousand times, and for various purposes, and we would not recur to it now, did we not really feel that it was well-timed and descriptive. For some months we have been looking to the period which is now imminent. All parties have done so-Lord Derby and Lord Russell, protectionists and free-traders, conservatives, whigs, peelites, and radicals, the friends of sacerdotalism, and the advocates of religious liberty. After doing their utmost to stave off a dissolution, ministers have been compelled, as in sheer despair, to make up their minds to it. Willing or unwilling, the thing must be. The public jury is about to be impannelled; the people, so far as they have a voice in our representative system, are to be appealed to, and on their decision the complexion of our future legislation is suspended. Cliqueship is, for the moment, kept out of sight, and every method is adopted which practised ingenuity can suggest, to make us believe that our interests are contemplated, our welfare is sought, by the several parties who solicit our support. What may be the result it would be premature to say. We have our opinion, and it is not of a gloomy or discouraging order.

In the first place, then, let it be borne in mind, that the issue to be tried is not between Lord Derby and Lord John. We do not underrate the latter, nor are we unmindful of the services he has rendered: yet we say that the contest now waging has an infinitely higher bearing than this. From Lord Derby we might possibly, by external pressure, extort more than from Lord John; but there is an uprightness, an English integrity, in the latter, which would ever incline us to prefer him greatly to his opponent. We never had any faith in Lord Derby's sagacity. What has occurred since his accession to power, has effectually destroyed all confidence in his reputed honor. What we specially want, then, to have impressed on our countrymen is, that we are not shut up to these two noblemen as our political leaders. Let them be put aside to-day, and we should yet have men equal to our requirements. Could we see no other result of Lord Derby's overthrow, than a return of the whig family cliqueship, we should not feel sufficiently interested in the struggle to take part in it. But this is not the case. We do see other and more hopeful issues, and are therefore prepared to labor with all our might in the electoral contest to which we are summoned. Toryism has long been a broken reed; whiggery is now much the same; and it remains for the people to put in their claim to a fair share of the government of the land. We have no objection to a conservative element-rightly and intelligently interpreted but we do ask for our countrymen, that their affairs should be administered by men who understand and sympathize with their interests. The men of the middle-class, our manufacturers and merchants, must exercise their fair influence over a government to which they contribute so largely.

Again: it must be borne in mind that there is a special question lying near the door and hearth of every man, on which the pending election is to pronounce judgment. The party in power consists of the sworn

enemies of commercial freedom. They have labored long and earnestly against it. They opposed its introduction. Their rage knew no bounds when their selfish monopoly was broken up by Sir Robert Peel. They did all they could do to embitter the close of his life, and have since striven with ignoble diligence to blacken his memory. They were prophets of evil from 1846 to 1852, and when in February last they took possession of the Treasury bench, a shout of triumph was heard from the protectionist camp. The laborer and the mechanic, the manufacturer and the merchant, were alarmed, but the nobility and the squirearchy exulted in the prospect of high rents, and continued prodigality. It was soon found that the return of protection could not be effected so easily as had been supposed, and hence the chancellor's budget speech, and the hundred artifices resorted to in order to lull the public into false security. Let our countrymen, however, be assured that the return of protection, or something equivalent to it, will be kept steadily in view. This is the one paramount object of the party in power, whatever may be feigned to the contrary. It was only yesterday (the 24th) the Morning Herald' affirmed that the only chance of regaining protection was to maintain the Derby cabinet in power. On this subject, therefore, we must go to the poll. Here at least there must be no hesitation; short-comings must not be tolerated; equivocal and suspicious positions must at once and unmistakably be condemned. The man who avows himself a free-trader, yet promises support to the existing government, is either weak in intellect, or dishonest in purpose. Defeated in argument, their forebodings falsified by facts, the protectionists now carry the appeal to the polling booth, and if they triumph there, the poor man's loaf will soon be taxed for the special benefit of the landed gentry. We say then, to all, calmly and deliberately say it, let nothing jeopardize this great and paramount interest. Be united here, on whatever other topics you differ.* We have our convictions, long and dearly cherished, and there are moments when the thought of their being inwrought into our legislation, gives a brightness to the future, rarely permitted in this murky world. But much as we love, fondly as we ponder over them, our solemn and growing conviction is, that at the present election, our first and paramount duty is to guard the poor man's bread from the grasping policy of a selfish class.

But again we are advocates of religious liberty, and are therefore hostile to the civil incorporation of Christianity. To this we are deliberately pledged, and we hold in utter scorn the sneer which is veiled under the cognomen of 'political dissenters.' We are such. If there be shame in it, we glory in such shame, for it is only by political action that Christianity can be released from state trammels, and be left free-unvitiated and unweakened-to pursue her pure and heavenly mission. Our religion, therefore, makes us political dissenters, and as such we would carry our principles to the polling-booths. Wherever, therefore, it can be done without injury to the special question of the day, candidates should be

* We wish that space permitted us to transfer to our pages some adınirable tables, prepared by Mr. Peto, illustrative of the immense social benefits of free trade, which are printed in the Norwich Mercury' of the 12th. Any thing more conclusive cannot be imagined. The man who resists such evidence is inaccessible to proof.

pledged, not to details, but to principles. Our votes may rightfully be suspended on satisfactory evidence being obtained that our views will be faithfully carried out. Great care, however, should be taken, as to the mode in which the views of candidates are sought to be elicited, and everything dictatorial or assumptive must be carefully avoided. Much weight should be given to character, and attachment to principles rather than to our pet projects, should be the determining consideration. We could add much. The theme grows upon us; but our space is entirely exhausted, and we must close. We hope next month to announce that the 'good cause' has triumphed. Few will regret the old parliament. May the new one be greatly its superior.

AS THIS SHEET IS PASSING THROUGH THE PRESS, the prosecution of Dr. Newman for a libel on Dr. Achilli has been concluded in the Court of Queen's Bench. With the exception of one charge, which Dr. Achilli never denied his deposition by the holy office-the jury found that none of the filthy charges contained in the libel had been proved. Though the theological questions at issue between the Roman and the Protestant churches could in no way be affected by the decision, we cannot but regard the whole case as a disgusting exhibition of the policy of the Roman system. We do not envy Dr. Newman on having brought such a mass of polluting perjuries before the British public. It will be duly appreciated by the thoughtful and the virtuous.

Literary Intelligence.

Just Published.

Memoirs of the Life and Writings of Thomas Chalmers, D.D., LL.D. By his Son-in-Law, the Rev. Wm. Hanna, LL.D. Vol. IV.

The Idol Demolished by its own Priest. An Answer to Cardinal Wiseman's Lectures on Transubstantiation. By James Sheridan Knowles. What is the Human Soul? By Rev. W. Mason.

Visits to Female Prisoners at Home and Abroad. Edited at the request of the Committee of the British Ladies' Society for Promoting the Reformation of Female Prisoners. By Matilda Wrench.

Lydia; a Woman's Book. By Mrs. Newton Crossland.

Heroes of the Bible; or, Sketches of Scripture Characters. By W. S. Edwards. Modern Geography Simplified; to which is appended, Brief Notices of European Discovery, with select Sketches of the Ruins of Ancient Cities. Second Edition, revised.

Life of Roger Williams, the earliest Legislator and True Champion for a full and absolute Liberty of Conscience. By Romeo Elton, D.D., F.R.S. The Families of Holy Scripture. By Charles Larom.

Books and Reading. A Lecture delivered to the Young Men's Christian Association, Devonport, on Tuesday Evening, March 9, 1852. Rev. George Smith, of London.

By the

Uncle Tom's Cabin; or, Life among the Lowly. By Harriet Beecher Stowe. 2 vols.

The Importance of Literature to Men of Business. A Series of Addresses delivered at various Popular Institutions.

Lectures and Miscellanies. By Henry James.

Political Economy, illustrated by Sacred History. By James Taylor. Sermons on National Subjects, Preached in a Village Church. By Charles Kingsley.

A Help to the Knowledge of the Kingdom of God, as contained in the Scriptures, a kind of Liturgy for the Church. By Robert Duncan.

Sketches in Canada, and Rambles among the Red Men. By Mrs. Jameson. Parts I. and II.

Modern Poets and Poetry of Spain. By James Kennedy, Esq., Her Britannic Majesty's Judge in the mixed Court of Justice at the Havanna.

History of the Council of Trent, from the French of L. F. Bungener with the Author's last Corrections and Additions communicated to the Translator.

The Fisherman's Daughter; a Tale. By the Author of ' Rosa,' the 'WorkGirl,' &c. &c.

The Portrait Gallery of Distinguished Poets, Philosophers, &c. &c.; with Biographies originally published by the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge. Part VI.

The Pictorial Family Bible; with copious original Notes. By J. Kitto, D.D. Parts XXIV. and XXV.

Thesaurus; or, English Words and Phrases classified and arranged so as to facilitate the expression of Ideas, and assist Literary Composition. By Peter Mark Roget, M.D., F.R.S., F.R.A.S., F.G.S.

The Bible Class Manual of the Life of Christ; or, a Harmony of the Gospel in a Continuous Narrative, with Notes and Questions. By Andrew G. Fuller.

Passages in the Life of Gilbert Arnold; or, The Tale of the Four Sermons. By Sullivan Earle.

The Free Schools of Worcestershire; with a Statistical Chart of their Scholars, Revenues and Privileges. By George Griffith, of Kidderminster.

The Christian Law of Life; a Sermon preached in Surrey Chapel, before the London Missionary Society, on Wednesday, May 12, 1852. By John Stoughton, of Kensington.

Tales and Legends of the English Lakes and Mountains, collected from the best and most authentic sources. By Lorenzo Tuvar.

Poems illustrative of Grace-Creation-Suffering. By the Rev. Richard Sinclair Brooke, A.B.

Allegiance to the Faith; a Discourse occasioned by the Death of Robert Kettle, Esq., Preached in Hope Street Baptist Chapel, Glasgow, on Sabbath, April 4, 1852. By James Paterson, D.D.

A Sufficient Maintenance, and an Efficient Ministry; a Sermon, with Notes. By Rev. Thomas Guthrie, D.D.

The Homilist; or, The Pulpit for the People. Conducted by Rev. David Thomas. June. No. IV.

The Age and the Church; or, The Church called to Exertion. By T. Cartwright.

A Theory of Population, deduced from the General Law of Animal Fertility. By Herbert Spencer, Author of Social Statics. Republished from the Westminster Review.

The Course of Faith; or, The Practical Believer Delineated. By John Angel James.