cenary soldiers utterly unavailing to quench the flame of revolt. Enormous bribes are a never-failing remedy; and when the weak and cowardly government has put down the revolt, the cruelties it perpetrates on its prisoners are so dreadful and so peculiar, that we believe they are unequalled in any other country of the world.

In 1834, the emperor was greatly disquieted by the arrival of Lord Napier as the chief superintendent of trade at Macao. The British representative, after some delay, went up to Canton, and the Chinese government was alarmed by the 'barbarian eye placing himself in the flowery land.' Taou-Kwang was greatly averse to have any friendly intercourse with the western world. Aware of the inefficiency of his army, and the utter uselessness of his fleet, he had no wish that these should be brought into contact with European forces. His navy was in a deplorable condition; and his favourite idea with regard to it was, that the ships should be stationed like chessmen' in the inner seas, when, if it were reported that his admirals had allowed any of the enemy's vessels to escape, he upbraided and disgraced the commanders. They, in their own defence, asserted that the foreign ships sailed with the swiftness of the shuttlecock, and that it was impossible to intercept them.'

In 1840, Taou-Kwang, and, indeed, his whole empire, were greatly alarmed by the menaces of the British, who were prohibited by imperial edict from trading with the natives in opium. The emperor, in his emergency, called to his councils the Commissioner Lin. Possessed of much energy and of consummate tact, Lin knew that it was utterly vain to trifle with the outside barbarians. The whole coast was rapidly put into a state of defence. The choicest Chinese warriors were marched towards the sea-board for the utter extermination of the presumptuous barbarian eye. The generals who, in the earlier part of Taou-Kwang's reign, had gained successes, although rather by bribery and treachery than by the display of military skill, were deputed to destroy the hateful English. But in vain. The sons of the flowery land were powerless before Anglo-Saxon skill and valour. Chusan was taken, and, to the consternation of the imperial court, the British fleet appeared off the mouth of the Pei-ho. The emperor then selected Keshen, his most astute diplomatist, to induce the fleet to withdraw to the eastern waters. He was successful; and the withdrawal of the fleet was regarded by the Chinese as a triumph to the empire, and throughout the whole land the cry resounded, Destruction to the barbarians!' Keshen and Elepoo, the wisest of the imperial counsellors, were degraded, and the com

mand of the forces was given to Yukeen, who made immense preparations to repel the English. He announced to his soldiery, that he desired nothing more than to meet the outside

barbarians in battle.

The preparations for receiving the barbarians had been immense; but the vigorous measures of Lord Gough, Sir William Parker, and Sir Henry Pottinger, defeated all the plans. Amoy fell; Chusan came again into the hands of the English, and Yukeen finally had his heart's desire-an engagement with the barbarians. He wished them to come close to the muzzle of his guns; but before this gratification had been afforded him, the fortifications were demolished by cannon and bombs, and his forces defeated; he himself being the first to flee to save his life. On his retreat, he repented of his precipitancy, and attempted to drown himself to avoid the imputation of cowardice; he was, however, drawn out of the water by a poor fisherman; but he afterwards swallowed some gold-leaf, and thus committed suicide.'-pp. 176, 177.

Other generals were defeated; the wretched soldiers were led only to slaughter; the English steam-ships spread havoc and ruin on the coast; and the emperor began to tremble for the safety of his capital. Had the attacking force been larger, and had that expeditionary force been furnished with small iron steam-vessels of light draught, and suitable for river navigation, there can be no doubt but that Pekin might have been approached, and the haughty monarch compelled to sign a treaty of peace and indemnification in his own capital. That is an event which will occur in the course of a few years. The British occupation of the Chinese sea-board-especially since our Transatlantic kinsmen and rivals have had an eye to Japan -is simply a matter of time.

Towards the close of 1841, Taou-Kwang became convinced that he was not equal to a contest with the outside barbarians. Some members of his court, who had gleaned a little intelligence as to the locality and resources of Great Britain from Chinese sailors, colonists, and others, suggested that the war should be carried from China into Great Britain. The plan of operations suggested was this:-To build a fleet thrice as strong and as numerous as the English fleet, and to station these huge vessels off Singapore and Angeer to intercept and destroy in detail the British ships, and also to march an army of three hundred thousand men through Siberia and Russia upon London! The unfortunate emperor admired the grandeur of the idea, but doubted its practical application. Hou-Chunn, the officer commanding at Pekin-the Marshal Ney of China-came forward to the relief of his master in his difficulties, with the happy suggestion of building a steamer

which could carry six thousand men, half divers, and half gunners. With this enormous ship he professed himself ready to fight the whole English fleet. The gunners were to fire their terrible broadsides, and the divers were to bore holes in the men-of-war, and thus the fortune of the flowery land was to be restored. Many steam-vessels had been attempted, in imitation of the English ships; but, although the vessels in every particular seemed to resemble those of the British, it was found impossible to move the paddle-wheels. At length the British fleet rode triumphantly in the Yangtse-Kiang, and Taou-Kwang, convinced that he could not resist the barbarian eye, gave carte blanche for the conclusion of a treaty. The particulars of that treaty are well known to our readers, and it is, therefore, unnecessary to state them here. It not merely brought peace to the discomfited and terrified Chinese, but it also secured religious toleration for all foreigners residing in the empire. A Roman-catholic dignitary, desirous of benefiting his own sect only, interpreted this permission as extending solely to those foreign religionists who told their beads, and adored the cross; but the interference of Sir H. Pottinger removed the proposed restriction, and secured religious freedom for all the outside barbarians. On the conclusion of the war, so disastrous to the Chinese interests, and so humiliating to the imperial divinity, Taou-Kwang retired from the affairs of state almost into private life. A haggard and worn old man, he clung to life with remarkable tenacity. The wretched heathenism in which he believed could cast no cheering ray upon the murky future, and, fearful of death, he hoped he might live as long as his forefathers, to rule his vast empire. Thus, the more his years increased-although he had almost entirely withdrawn from affairs of state-the more active he appeared in public, the more gorgeous was his style of dress and equipage, and the more readily he manifested to the public that he had a vigour beyond his years. But his days were numbered. On February 11th, 1850, an edict in the vermilion pencil' appeared,- Let Yih-Choo, the imperial fourth son, be set forth as heir-apparent.' This was his last public act, and he speedily went on his long journey.'

Altogether, we have been much pleased with this little volume, which is interesting, not merely as it gives some satisfactory knowledge of Chinese society, but because it is a living voice, addressing us from among the teeming millions of China. What the new emperor's reign will be, we cannot discern; but it is very clear that a great change is at hand in the condition of the people. Evidently, the democratic influence in the empire is gaining ground-the divine attributes of the emperor are becom

ing daily more absurd in the eyes of his people. Christianity, too-that mighty leaven which, sooner or later, dissolves unholy powers-is beginning to exert a great influence on the people. Political changes will, without doubt, accelerate the advent of religious enlightenment upon the heathenish masses of the Chinese empire, and we may confidently expect that the labours of our missionaries in that benighted land will have a happy issue. The present volume cannot be perused without profit, and, as it will convey much satisfactory knowledge in relation to the condition of the inhabitants of China, we commend it to the attention of our readers.

ART. VIII.-Copies, or Extracts, of all Communications respecting the organization of the University of London since the year 1840, between the Home Office and the Senate of the University, any of the affiliated Colleges, and the Committee of Graduates respectively; and of such of the Minutes of the Senate of the University of London, and of Committees appointed by the Senate as relate to the admission of Graduates to form an integral portion of the Corporate Body of the University. Address ordered by the House of Commons, March 15, 1852. 2. The University of London a Parliamentary Constituency. By Charles James Foster, M.A., LL.D., Professor of Jurisprudence at University College, London. Published for the Committee of the Graduates of the University, by Ridgway, Richardson and Son; Jackson and Walford.

UPON the close of a severe struggle there is a natural desire to preserve some record of its history. It satisfies a present want, and it anticipates for future memories the renewal of long past successes. When the crowd of achievements are brought into the compass of an hour, the mind is elevated by the consciousness of strength, and, it may be hoped, by well deserved selfpraise. But though these delights be absent, not the less is such a record desirable, not at the close of the well-fought field, but just at that critical period when a great advantage has undoubtedly been obtained, and when both sides are bringing up their reinforcements to alter or secure the yet doubtful issue. At such a moment, the clear perception of the precise position of affairs, while it may enable the vanquished to retreat with honour, affords the surest promise to the victor of his ultimate success.

Such a crisis is now apparent in the four years' conflict

within and around the University of London. Its importance as a contest of principle we do not fear to over-estimate. In the actual struggle are now engaged more than one leading statesman, and the most eminent persons of the Nonconformist body all through the kingdom, with a preponderance so decided over other bodies-the Roman Catholics for instancewho ought to be equally interested in the result, that its opponents have not hesitated latterly to attribute to the movement a sectarian design. Foolish men! But we cannot now discuss with them the effect of principles, the simple statement of which it is evident they do not understand.

We propose, therefore, in this article, to present to our readers a brief summary of all that has lately been going forward. Some portions of the matter it contains have, we believe, appeared in detached statements elsewhere; but those of our readers to whom the subject is now familiar, will agree with us that a summary such as we suggest is desirable, and will be advantageous probably to themselves.

We presume that everybody knows by this time that the University of London is not the institution in Gower Streetformerly designated the 'London University'-but a distinct body located at Somerset House, within a stone's throw of King's College; that this body is composed of thirty-eight noblemen, prelates, clergymen, and gentlemen, eminent in science, literature, and art,' who are nominated by the crown, and invested with a corporate existence, and the power of conferring degrees; that by the charter incorporating this body, University College, Gower Street, and King's College, were empowered to send up their students for examination, and that a similar privilege has since been granted to nearly thirty general and about sixty medical colleges throughout the kingdom. Of the general colleges, nearly twenty are divided about equally between the Independents and Baptists, and the Roman Catholics. The Established Church and the Wesleyans own to four, and the remainder are open indifferently to students of all religious persuasions. The entire number of graduates, we may add, has now reached nearly 700, of whom two-thirds are graduates in arts, and almost all the remainder in medicine. The annual increase in their numbers has reached seventy, and will probably soon exceed a hundred.

The University of London, we say, is not University College, nor is it all the colleges, nor is it the graduates: it is simply and exclusively the THIRTY-EIGHT gentlemen to whom we have alluded. These thirty-eight need not necessarily be, and are not, in fact, graduates; nor are they (with the exception of Sir James Graham, Mr. Grote, and Mr. Warburton, who are also