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upon the Council of University College) in any way connected with any of the colleges. The University and the colleges have no control over each other; nor, except by courtesy, have they any means of knowing each other's proceedings. The graduates are not as yet a legally organized, or, indeed, existent body, and until within the last four years it may be stated as having been practically the fact, that none of these bodies had anything to do with either of the others. A stray college may have pointed out a difficulty arising from a particular regulation, or a rejected candidate for graduation may have urged the hardship of his own case; but there was no organized intercommunication, nor, as far as appeared, any desire for it.

Now, the understanding on all hands was, that the University of London was to be towards the Dissenters and Catholics, and, indeed, towards all who did not belong to the Established Church, whatever Oxford and Cambridge were to those who did. There can be no doubt about this. It was the demand of the country. It was the claim of University College, which for the sake of it, gave up its right to be itself the University of London. It has been the understanding of nearly one hundred colleges which have acquired the privileges of affiliation. Within the last few days, it has been admitted, in the House of Commons, by Mr. Walpole, speaking for the government, and Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Goulburn, speaking respectively for the very universities, which are alone entitled to question the assertion of the claim. Should any of our readers have a lingering fear upon the point, we will set it at rest, by quoting from the letter of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, dated Nov. 22nd, 1835, to the authorities of University College :It cannot but be expedient that parliament should hereafter extend to these metropolitan degrees all the privileges and advantages, not of an ecclesiastical character, which are connected with degrees at Oxford and Cambridge.

It should be always kept in mind, that what is sought on the present occasion is, an EQUALITY IN ALL RESPECTS with the ancient universities, freed from those exclusions and religious distinctions which abridge the usefulness of Oxford and Cambridge.'

Oxford and Cambridge are managed exclusively by their own graduates. The graduates of London are not only not members of that University, but almost all its members are Oxford and Cambridge men. Oxford and Cambridge are represented by two members in the House of Commons. Lord DERBY, the other day, intimated to a deputation from the London graduates, that it had been in contemplation to make them a constituency, but that he found, on inquiring, that they were not yet members of the University at all. Oxford and Cambridge

have many legal privileges and exemptions, for the encouragement of the learning of which they are supposed to be the seats. But for the determined front of the London graduates, unaided by the senate, the Charitable Trusts' Bill and the Militia Bill might have imposed on the colleges and graduates, the one a grievance, and the other a stigma, from which both Oxford and Cambridge are expressly exempted.

This is not equality. But it was not vague dissatisfaction, but ill results practically felt, which led to the recent movements. In the spring of 1848, the Lord Advocate brought in a bill in the House of Commons, for Regulating the Medical Profession. This bill was avowedly the measure of the three great London medical corporations. It expressly exempted Oxford and Cambridge, but it ignored London; if we may call by so mild a term a clause prohibiting the London graduates from assuming their degrees without the permission of the College of Physicians. Now, it does not appear that the senate took any practical steps in opposition to this bill until their attention had been called to it by a deputation from the graduates. They certainly did not attempt to pacify the alarm it created: and we must add, that one (we fear) of its most active promoters, one who certainly gave evidence in its support before the Select Committee of the House of CommonsDr. Ridout-was a member of the senate.

There is nothing like instant danger for effecting union. On the 20th March, 1848, half a dozen graduates met together at the house of one of their number, and formed themselves into a provisional committee, to call a meeting of as many more as they could find. They first asked the senate for a room, which was not granted; but, meanwhile, they had collected about eighty addresses, and held a preliminary meeting in a back room in Pall Mall. This led to a larger meeting at the Freemasons' Tavern, at which the Graduates' Committee,' whose labours have rendered the longer continuance of the present state of things impossible, was first appointed. The opportune discovery and use of Lord Monteagle's correspondence, to which we have above referred, was entirely owing to this committee, through whom it became available, also, to the senate and to University College. Upon its being laid before Sir George Grey, he expressly stated, in presence of the Lord Advocate, that it formed a contract morally binding upon the government, and that he could give his assent to no medical bill which did not place the London graduates upon the saine footing with those of Oxford and Cambridge.

With such a cause for organisation, and such a result obtained so speedily, it would have been no wonder if larger

views had soon developed themselves. In fact, however, the necessity for a permanent organization of the graduates, and for such an alteration in the university charter as should admit them to be part of the corporate body, with an effective voice in its management, had been from the first distinctly foreseen; and its effectuation was early stated to the senate, as being the main design of the movement.

*

It has been observed that the language of the Foundation Charter betokens a consciousness in its framers, that the constitution it provides could not be permanent. It first constitutes thirty-eight gentlemen, by their proper names and additions, The University of London.' This university, it then declares, is to consist of a chancellor, vice-chancellor, and fellows. The chancellor, vice-chancellor, and fellows, are to be the senate;' and the senate is to have the 'entire management of, and superintendence over,' the university. Unless the senate and the university were intended at some time to be not precisely the same body, this phraseology would do well to be stated to a schoolboy, as a remarkably plain and distinct specimen of the figure of speech which grammarians call pleonasm. In a former article, we stated the principal resolutions of the committee of the whole senate in 1840. We can now only remind our readers that they went the entire length, as soon as the graduates of three years' standing should become 300 in number (which was the case in December, 1848), of taking the power of nominating senators from the crown, and vesting it in the graduates of that standing; securing the future responsibility of the senate to the electoral body thus constituted by the annual retirement and election of one-sixth of its number. These resolutions were not ultimately confirmed; but the opinion entertained by the senate of its own power to deal with the question (a power lately disavowed), appears by the terms of its resolution-That a committee of the whole senate be appointed to consider of any alteration it be may expedient to make in the charter.'-' Minutes,' March 25th, 1840.

The matter slept until 1848. In June of that year, the graduates' committee submitted a proposal to the senate, of which the principal alternative was, that it should immediately take steps to procure a new charter.' The reply was, that the senate was not prepared at present to apply for a new charter, but would make known to the home secretary the desire of a number of the graduates to be represented in that body.' Sir George Grey was at the time considering the proper mode of filling up the somewhat numerous vacancies in the senatorial

'Eclectic,' May, 1851.

ranks; and it seems to have been thought that the movement party would be sufficiently gratified, without carrying the point farther, by a reception at the Home Office, and an apparent recognition of their 'private and particular' importance. If such a belief may have arisen from some hastily-dropped expressions, it was speedily dissipated by authentic explanation. It was explained to Sir George Grey that it was not desired that he should make any immediate additions to the senate, and that the graduates were not prepared to recommend any of their own number to his consideration; but that the claim was for a new charter, embodying the graduates as a Convocation, with powers and privileges similar to those enjoyed by the convocation at Oxford and Cambridge. As cabinet ministers are allowed to hybernate during the long vacation, it is not necessary to be surprised that, on waking up about December, Sir George Grey had confused the matter a little in his mind, and required to have it explained all over again. This being done, however, he sent a reply (30th Dec. 1848), that any plan for carrying into effect the wishes of the graduates,' which the committee might transmit to him, should be fully considered.'

Upon receipt of this communication, the graduates, in general meeting assembled, considered the principles upon which their proposed admission into the University ought to be arranged. They laid down the following basis, of which we cannot but remark, in passing, that it is substantially the same with that which (at least) the members of the senate are now bound in all honour to concede. It is thus stated, 'That the graduates shall in future form part of the body corporate of the University that the government of the University shall consist of a chancellor, a senate, and a convocation: the last to be composed of all graduates of a certain standing; that eventually, the senate shall be elected by convocation: that all alterations in the fundamental law of the University shall require the assent of convocation; that while the general executive management of the University shall be confided to the senate, it shall be subject in certain cases to the veto of convocation.'

Two months' labour de die in diem was not too much to give to the preparation of a scheme embodying the above principles. It was rejected instanter by the senate, and is not now pressed by the graduates. Although, therefore, we cordially approve of it, and in the event of present arrangements failing should hold ourselves free to move in its favour, we will not lengthen our present article by the recapitulation of its details. But in three important respects it exhibited a marked contrast in point of moderation to that which the senate had itself all but adopted in 1840.

It was

It did not affect the present members of the senate. adapted to secure the rights of the crown so long as the public money should go towards the support of the University. It expressly preserved the whole law of the University, as stated in the Calendar,' until the senate should itself consent to any alteration. Not one of these provisions appears in the scheme of 1840. It was, moreover, submitted as a basis only, accompanied with a request to be afforded opportunities of explaining its contemplated working. With this request it was sent to Sir George Grey, and by him forwarded to the senate. After a pro formá adjournment, that body resolved- That the senate, while it is desirous that the graduates should hereafter be admitted to a share in the government of the University, cannot recommend to the Secretary of State the adoption of a charter founded upon the proposition submitted to him by the committee of graduates.'

This resolution was come to upon the face of the scheme itself, without affording the graduates any opportunity of tendering explanations. Its meaning, therefore, is that the scheme could not possibly be made to work well. That any scheme upon paper might easily be made to work badly we do not doubt; that any could not be made to work well, while preserving its essential features, is a decision to which, in the absence of all explanation, we should not have committed ourselves at one sitting. The scheme was submitted as the basis of a charter. The proper office of a charter is to confer powers. The laws regulating their exercise should only be prescribed by bye-law, and for this obvious reason,-a charter cannot be altered but by the power that gave it; a bye-law, if it works badly, can at any time be re-modelled by the chartered body. The working of a properly framed charter, therefore, depends wholly upon the bye-laws. Now the rejected scheme gave the senate the power of framing its own bye-laws before assenting to it, and, by inserting them in the calendar of the year, of making them unalterable without its own consent. We have no doubt, therefore, that the senate committed a grave error in rejecting the scheme at one sitting without explanation asked.

We would willingly believe that the rejection of the scheme was due to the scheme itself. But we have no doubt-and it is right to say so plainly-that it was due to the opposition of the graduates to the regulations under the SUPPLEMENTAL

The present charter is an instance of the inconvenience of departing from this rule. In two cases the legality, strictly speaking, of the course pursued by the senate is at best doubtful.

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