8. Resolved, That foreign immigration, which in the past has added so much to the wealth, development of resources and increase of power to this nation, the asylum of the oppressed of all nations, should be fostered and encouraged by a liberal and just policy. [Applause.}

9. Resolved, That we are in favor of a speedy construction of the Railroad to the Pacific coast. [Applause.]

10. Resolved, That the National faith, pledged for the redemption of the public debt, must be kept inviolate, and that for this purpose we recommend economy and rigid responsibility in the public expenditures, and a vigorous and just system of taxation; and that it is the duty of every loyal State to sustain the credit and promote the use of the National currency. [Applause.]

11. Resolved, That we approve the position taken by the Government that the people of the United States can never regard with indifference the attempt of any European Power to overthrow by force or to supplant by fraud the institutions of any Republican Government on the Western Continent-[prolonged applause-and that they will view with extreme jealousy, as menacing to the peace and independence of their own country, tie efforts of any such power to obtain new footholds for Monarchial Governments, sustained by foreign military force, in near proximity to the United States. [Long-continued applause.]

RE-NOMINATION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

The vote was taken by States, when all were found to have voted for Mr. LINCOLN, except Missouri-for General Grant.

Before the announcement of the result, Mr. HUME, of Missouri, moved that the nomination of ABRAHAM LINCOLN be declared unanimous.

His delegation had been instructed to vote for General Grant, but he was now in favor of declaring the nomination already made to be

unanimous.

follows:

States.

On motion of Mr. TREMAIN, of New York, the nomination of Andrew Johnson was declared unanimous.

After the transaction of some routine business, the convention adjourned.

THE PRESIDENT'S RECEPTION OF THE NOMINATION.

Thursday, June 9-The committee to ratify the nominees called upon the President, when the following proceedings took place:

Governor Dennison, president of the convention and chairman of said committee, addressed the President as follows:

MR. PRESIDENT: The National Union Convention, which closed its sittings at Baltimore yesterday, appointed a committee consisting of one from each State, with myself as its chairman, to inform you of your unanimous nomination by that convention for election to the office of President of the United States. That committee, I have the honor of now informing you, is present. On its behalf, I have also the honor of presenting you with a copy of the resolutions or platform which were adopted by that convention, as expressive of its sense, and of the sense of the loyal people of the country which it represents; of the principles and the policy that should characterize the administration of the Government in the present condition of the country. I need not say to you, sir, that the convention, in thus unanimously nominating you for re-election, but gave utterance to the almost universal voice of the loyal people of the country. To doubt of your triumphant election would be little short of abandoning the hope of the final suppression of the rebellion, and the restoration of the authority of the Government over the insurgent States.

Neither the convention nor those represented by that body entertained any doubt as to the final result. Under your administration, sustained by that loyal people and by our noble army and gallant navy, neither did the convention nor do this committee doubt the speedy suppression of this most wicked and unprovoked rebellion. [A copy of the resolutions were here handed to the President.]

I should add, Mr. President, it would be the pleasure of the committee to communicate to you, within a few days, through one of its most accomplished members, Mr. Curtis, of New York, by letter, more at length the circumstances. under which you have been placed in nomination for thePresidency.

THE PRESIDENT'S RESPONSE.

The President, taking the resolutions from his pocket where he had placed them, and unfolding the same, said:

MR. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN OF THE COMMITTEE: I will neither conceal my gratification nor restrain the expression of my gratitude that the Union people through their convention, in the continued effort to save and advance the nation, have deemed me not unworthy to remain in my present position.

I know no reason to doubt that I shall accept the nomination tendered; and yet, perhaps, I should not declare definitely before reading and considering what is called the platform.

I will say now, however, I approve the declaration in favor of so amending the Constitution as to prohibit slavery throughout the nation. When the people in revolt, with a hundred days of explicit notice that they could within those days resume their allegiance without the overthrow of their institutions, and that they could not resume it afterwards, elected to stand out, such amendment to the Constitution as is now proposed became a fitting and necessary conclusion to the final success of the Union cause. Such alone can meet and cover all cavils. Now, the unconditional Union men, North and South, preceive its importance, and embrace it. In the joint names of Liberty and Union, let us labor to give it legal form and practical effect.

quent dishonor; or the patriotic duty of union and success whether they approve the Proclamation of Emancipation, the constitutional amendment, the employment of former slaves as Union soldiers, or the solemn obligation of the Government promptly to redress the wrongs of every sol dier of the Union, of whatever color or race; whether they declare the inviolability of the pledged faith of the nation, or offer the national hospitality to the oppressed of every land, or urge the union by railroad of the Atlantic and Pacific oceans; whether they recommend public economy and vigorous taxation, or assert the fixed popular opposition to the establishment by armed force of foreign monarchies in the immediate neighborhood of the United States, or declare that those only are worthy of official trust who approve unreservedly the views and policy indicated in the resolutions-they were equally hailed with the heartiness of profound conviction.

Believing with you, sir, that this is the people's war for the maintenance of a Government which you have justly described as "of the people, by the people, for the people,” we are very sure that you will be glad to know, not only from the resolutions themselves, but from the singular harmony and enthusiasm with which they were adopted, how warm is the popular welcome of every measure in the prosecution of the war, which is as vigorous, unmistakable, and unfaltering as the national purpose itself. No right, for instance, is so precious and sacred to the American heart as that of personal liberty. Its violation is regarded with just, instant, and universal jealousy. Yet in this hour of peril every faithful citizen concedes that, for the sake of national existence and the common welfare, individual lib

GENTLEMEN: I can only say in response to the kind remarks of your chairman, as I suppose, that I am very grateful for the renewed confidence which has been accorded to

me both by the Convention and by the National League. I am not insensible at all to the personal compliment there is in this, and yet I do not allow myself to believe that any but a small portion of it is to be appropriated as a personal compliment. That really the Convention and the Union League assembled with a higher view-that of taking care of the interests of the country for the present and the great future-and that the part I am entitled to appropriate as a compliment is only that part which I may lay hold of as being the opinion of the Convention and of the League, that I am not entirely unworthy to be entrusted with the place which I have occupied for the last three years. But I do not allow myself to suppose that either the Convention or the League have concluded to decide that I am either the greatest or best man in America, but rather they have concluded that it is not best to swap horses while crossing the river, and have further concluded that I am not so poor a horse that they might not make a botch of it in trying to swap. [Laughter and applause.]

To a delegation from Ohio he said:

SPEECH OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

GENTLEMEN: I am very much obliged to you for this compliment. I have just been saying, and as I have just said it, I will repeat it: The hardest of all speeches which I have to answer is a serenade. I never know what to say on such occasions. I suppose that you have done me this kindness in connection with the action of the Baltimore Convention, which has recently taken place, and with which, of course, I am very well satisfied. [Laughter and applause.] What

we want still more than Baltimore Conventions or Presi

dential elections is success under General Grant. [Cries of "Good," and applause.] I propose that you constantly bear in mind that the support you owe to the brave officers and soldiers in the field is of the very first importance, and we should therefore bend all our energies to that point. Now, without detaining you any longer, I propose that you help me to close up what I am now saying with three rousing cheers for General Grant and the officers and soldiers under his command.

PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S ACCEPTANCE.
NEW YORK, June 14, 1864.

Hon. ABRAHAM LINCOLN:

SIR: The National Union Convention, which assembled in Baltimore on June 7, 1864, has instructed us to inform you that you were nominated with enthusiastic unanimity for the Presidency of the United States for four years from the 4th of March next.

The resolutions of the Convention, which we have already had the honor of placing in your hands, are a full and clear statement of the principles which inspired its action, and which, as we believe, the great body of Union men in the country heartily approve. Whether those resolutions express the national gratitude to our soldiers and sailors; or the national scorn of compromise with Rebels, and conse

lion, be sometimes summarily constrained, asking only with painful anxiety that in every instauce, and to the least detail, that absolutely necessary power shall not be hastily or unwisely exercised.

We believe, sir, that the honest will of the Union men of the country was never more truly represented than in this Convention. Their purpose we believe to be the overthrow of armed rebels in the field, and the security of permanent peace and union by liberty and justice under the Constitntion. That these results are to be achieved amid cruel perplexities, they are fully aware. That they are to be reached only by cordial unanimity of counsel, is undeniable. That good men may sometimes differ as to the means and the time, they know. That in the conduct of all human affairs the highest duty is to determine, in the angry conflict of passion, how much good may be practically accomplished, is their sincere persuasion. They have watched your offcial course, therefore, with unflagging attention; and amid the bitter taunts of eager friends and the fierce denunciation of eneraies, now moving too fast for some, now too slowly for others, they have seen you throughout this tremendous contest patient, sagacious, faithful, just; leaning upon the heart of the great mass of the people, and satisfled to be moved by its mighty pulsations.

It is for this reason that, long before the Convention met, the popular instinct had plainly indicated you as its candidate; and the Convention, therefore, merely recorded the popular will. Your character and career prove your unswerving fidelity to the cardinal principles of American Liberty and of the American Constitution. In the name of that Liberty and Constitution, sir, we earnestly request your acceptance of this nomination. Reverently commending our beloved country, and you, its Chief Magistrate, with all its brave sons who, on sea and land, are faithfully de fending the good old American cause of equal rights, to the blessing of Almighty God,

We are, sir, very respectfully, your friends and fellow citizens,

WILLIAM DENNISON, Ohio, Chairman.
JOSIAH H. DRUMMOND. Maine.
THOMAS E. SAWYER, New Hampshire.
BRADLEY BARLOW, Vermont.
A. H. BULLOCK, Massachusetts.
A. M. CAMPBELL, Rhode Island,
C. S. BUSHNELL, Connecticut.
G. W. CURTIS, New York.
W. A. NEWELL, New Jersey.
HENRY JOHNSON, Pennsylvania.
N. B. SMITHERS, Delaware.
W. L. W. SEABROOK, Maryland.
JOHN F. HUME, Missouri.
G. W. HAIGHT, Kentucky.
E. P. PYFFE, Ohio.
CYRUS M. ALLEN, Indiana.
W. BUSHNELL, Illinois.
L. P. ALEXANDER, Michigan.
A. W. RANDALL, Wisconsin.
PETER VALINDA, Iowa.
THOMAS SIMPSON, Minnesota
JOHN BIDWELL, California.
THOMAS H. PEARNE, Oregon.
LEROY KRAMER, West Virginia

A. C. WILDER, Kansas.
M. M. BRYAN, Tennessee.
T. WINTER, Nevada.

A. A. ATOCHA, Louisiana.

A. 8. PADDOCK, Nebraska. VALENTINE DELL, Arkansas. JOHN A. NYE, Colorado.

A. B. SLOANAKER, Utah.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, June 27, 1864. Hon. WILLIAM DENNISON and others, a Committee of the National Union Convention:

GENTLEMEN: Your letter of the 14th instant formally notifying me that I have been nominated by the convention you represent for the Presidency of the United States for four years from the 4th of March next, has been received. The nomination is gratefully accepted, as the resolutions of the convention, called the platform, are heartily approved. While the resolution in regard to the supplanting of republican government upon the western continent is fully concurred in, there might be misunderstanding were I not to say that the position of the Government in relation to the action of France in Mexico as assumed through the State department and indorsed by the Convention, among the measures and acts of the Executive, will be faithfully maintained so long as the state of facts shall leave that position pertinent and applicable.

I am especially gratified that the soldier and the seaman were not forgotten by the Convention, as they forever must and will be remembered by the grateful country for whose salvation they devote their lives.

Thanking you for the kind and complimentary terms in which you have communicated the nomination and other proceedings of the convention, I subscribe myself, Your obedient servant,

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

HON. ANDREW JOHNSON'S LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE. NASHVILLE, TENN., July 2, 1864. Hon. WM. DENNISON, Chairman, and others, Committee of

the National Union Convention: GENTLEMEN: Your communication of the 9th ult., informing me of my nomination for the Vice Presidency of the United States, by the National Union Convention, held at Baltimore, and enclosing a copy of the resolutions adopted by that body, was not received until the 25th ult.

A reply on my part had been previously made to the action of the Convention in presenting my name, in a speech delivered in this city, on the evening succeeding the day of the adjournment of the Convention, in which I indicated my acceptance of the distinguished honor conferred by that body, and defined the grounds upon which that acceptance was based, substantially saying what I now have to say. From the comments made upon that speech by the various presses of the country to which my attention has been directed, I considered it to be regarded as a full acceptance.

In view, however, of the desire expressed in your communication, I will more fully allude to a few points that have been heretofore presented. My opinions on the leading questions at present agitating and distracting the public mind, and especially in reference to the rebellion now being waged against the Government and authority of the United States, I presume, are generally understood. Before the Southern people assumed a belligerent attitude, (and frequently since,) I took occasion most frankly to declare the views I then entertained in relation to the wicked purposes of the southern politicians. They have since undergone but little, if any change. Time and subsequent events have rather confirmed than diminished my confidence in their

Co-rectness.

At the beginning of this great struggle I entertained the same opinion of it I do now, and in my place in the Senate I denounced it as treason, worthy the punishment of death, and warned the Government and people of the impending danger. But my voice was not heard or counsel heeded until it was too late to avert the storm. It still continued to gather over us without molestation from the authorities at Washington, until at length it broke with all its fury upon the country. And now, if we would save the government from being overwhelmed by it, we must meet it in the true spirit of patriotism, and bring traitors to the punishment due their crime, and by force of arms crush out and subdue the last vestige of rebel authority in every State. I felt then as now that the destruction of the government was deliberately determined upon by wicked and designing conspirators, whose lives and fortunes were pledged to carry it out, and that no compromise, short of an unconditional recognition of the independence of the southern States, could have been or could now be proposed which they would accept. The clamor for "southern rights," as the rebel journals were pleased to designate their rallying cry, was not to secure their assumed rights in the Union and under the Constitution, but to disrupt the government and

establish an independent organization based upon slavery, which they could at all times control.

The separation of the Government has for years been the cherished purpose of the southern leaders. Baffled, in 1832, by the stern, patriotic heroism of Andrew Jackson, they sullenly acquiesced, only to mature their diabolical schemes, and await the recurrence of a more favorable opportunity to execute them. Then the pretext was the tariff, and Jackson, after foiling their schemes of nullification and disunion, with prophetic perspicacity, warned the country against the renewal of their efforts to dismember the Gov

ernment.

In a letter dated May 1, 1833, to the Rev. A. J. Crawford, after demonstrating the heartless insincerity of the southern nullifiers, he said:

"Therefore the tariff was only a pretext, and disunion and a southern confederacy the real object. The next pretext will be the negro, or slavery question."

Time has fully verified this prediction, and we have now not only "the negro, or slavery question," as the pretext, but the real cause of the rebellion, and both must go down together. It is vain to attempt to reconstruct the Union with the distracting element of slavery in it. Experience has demonstrated its incompatibility with free and republican governments, and it would be unwise and unjust longer to continue it as one of the institutions of the country. While it remained subordinate to the Constitution and laws of the United States I yielded to it my support, but when it became rebellious and attempted to rise above the Government, and control its action, I threw my humble influence against it.

The authority of the Government is supreme, and will admit of no rivalry. No institution can rise above it, whether it be slavery or any other organized power. In our happy form of government all must be subordinate to the will of the people, when reflected through the Constitution and laws made pursuant thereto-State or Federal. This great principle lies at the foundation of every government, and cannot be disregarded without the destruction of the gov ernment itself. In the support and practice of correct principles we can never reach wrong results, and by rigor ously adhering to this great fundamental truth the end will be the preservation of the Union and the overthrow of an institution which has made war upon and attempted the destruction of the government itself.

The mode by which this great change the emancipation of the slave can be effected, is properly found in the power to amend the Constitution of the United States. This plan is effectual, and of no doubtful authority; and while it does not contravene the timely exercise of the war power by the President in his emancipation proclamation, it comes stamped with the authority of the people themselves, acting in accordance with the written rule of the supreme law of the land, and must, therefore, give more general satisfaction and quietude to the distracted public mind.

By recurring to the principles contained in the resolu tions so unanimously adopted by the Convention, I find that they substantially accord with my public acts and opinions heretofore made known and expressed, and are, therefore, most cordially indorsed and approved; and the nomination, having been conferred without any solicitation on my part, it is with the greater pleasure accepted.

In accepting the nomination I might here close, but I cannot forego the opportunity of saying to my old friends of the Democratic party proper, with whom I have so long and pleasantly been associated, that the hour has now come when that great party can justly vindicate its devotion to true democratic policy and measures of expediency. The war is a war of great principles. It involves the supremacy and life of the Government itself. If the rebellion triumphs free government North and South fails. If, on the other hand, the Government is successful, as I do not doubt, its destiny is fixed, its basis permanent and enduring, and its career of honor and glory just begun. In a great contest like this for the existence of free government the path of duty is patriotism and principle. Minor considerations and questions of administrative policy should give way to the higher duty of first preserving the Government, and then there will be time enough to wrangle over the men and measures pertaining to its administration.

This is not the hour for strife and division among ourselves. Such differences of opinion only encourage the enemy, prolong the war, and waste the country. Unity of action and concentration of power should be our watchword and rallying cry. This accomplished, the time will rapidly approach when their armies in the field-the great power of the rebellion-will be broken and crushed by our gallant officers and brave soldiers, and ere long they will return to their homes and firesides to resume again the avocations of peace, with the proud consciousness that they have aided in the noble work of re-establishing upon a surer and more permanent basis the great temple of American freedom. I am, gentlemen, with sentiments of high regard, yours truly, ANDREW JOHNSON.