great mass of the latter are, by naturalization, absorbed into the mass of citizens. They come to make a permanent bome with us, from a preference, as it is fair to assume, for republican institutions; and it is considered right that they should have a voice in the conduct of them. Nor have the American people seen cause to regret their liberality in this respect. Citizens of foreign birth have usually proved as thoughtful and wise as the rest of the population, and as worthy of citizenship. They bring to us wealth in their labor if not in their purses, and soon become thoroughly American in their habits and sympathies. The government and the people cordially welcome thein, and find themselves the stronger and richer by so doing.

5. It must not be forgotten that the strongest fears of popular influence on the government, the stability of our institutions, and the maintenance of the good order necessary to the security of property and the general prosperity, were entertained at the first; that the prophecies of the foreseers of evil have been almost uniformly false during its whole course; and that the relation between the people and the general government has constantly grown closer, to the great advantage of both. The first war into which the country was plunged after the Revolution-that of 1812-was comparatively a failure, in its earlier part, for want of this mutual confidence. Later the people and the government have been more closely allied, and the government has been strong while the people have seen their cherished ends gained.

There has been continual advance in liberality of administration, in efficiency of organization, and in the completeness of social order. We have no reason to suppose that a tendency, continued through a hundred years and favored by so many circumstances that are common to all nations in our generation to a degree never before known, will be changed. Rather we may confidently expect that with increased intelligence, expe rience, and prosperity that tendency will be strengthened.

SUFFRAGE AND CITIZENSHIP.

1. The right pertaining to citizenship, to vote for such officers as are elected by the people, is called suffrage. When that right is acquired with respect to one class of officers it always extends to the whole, from petty town or city officials, to high officers of the State and United States government— all, in short, who obtain office directly from the people.

2. The Constitution defines who shall be regarded as citizens of the United States, and all such are declared by it to be also citizens of the State in which they reside. It declares "all persons, born, or naturalized in the United States, and subject to its jurisdiction" to be citizens. Indian tribes are mostly regarded as foreign nations, and have such rights as treaties give them, but are no taxed and do not vote; therefore they are not regarded as citizens.

3. Yet suffrage does not belong to all citizens. The special regulation of the voting prerogative was not assumed by the Constitution, nor delegated to Congress, and it is generally conceded that it belongs to the State governments. The regulations in the States are not uniform, but in no State do women or minors vote. This cuts off a large part of the citizens, nearly three-fourths belonging to these classes. Minors are supposed, however, to be represented, as to their interests, by their guardians, and females by husbands or brothers. Some of the States make minor restrictions as to length of residence in the State, and require a certain amount of property to constitute a voter, and in some naturalization is not required-so that the range of the right of suffrage varies within small limits, in different States. Whatever rule is adopted by the States has been accepted as the basis of suffrage for that State by the general government, when members of Congress and President and Vice-President are voted for.

4. It seems to be a loose point in the regulations, otherwise so admirable, since it may work a considerable inequality

under given circumstances; and, in some cases, might change the policy of the government. It is a question worthy of consideration whether there should not be an amendment to the Constitution establishing uniformity of suffrage in all the States. This point has caused much discussion in the State governments and various changes have been, from time to time, made in many of them. These have been, usually, in the direction of liberality-tending to enlarge the scope of suffrage. The property qualification, quite common in earlier times, is now rare. The fifteenth amendment, recently adopted, has largely increased the number of voters.

5. The experience of the Republic, thus far, has been in favor of the doctrine that it is safe to trust the people with their own interests, and that the responsibilities of self-government, when they are laid on them under the favorable circumstances that exist among us, tend to improvement instead of disorganization. Whether this will always be the case it may not be safe to assume, and a prudent regard to possibilities should not be neglected; but we should not forget that those who founded American liberty ran great risks of anarchy in the eyes of their contemporaries. We ought to be able safely to continue a policy of suffrage which they introduced with results so fortunate.

6. Education needs to be encouraged, and this has always received much attention. It is probable that but for the very liberal provision made in this respect, the fate of our government would have been very different. Many foreigners who had no early education, have been naturalized, and the colored people born in the country have been made citizens. If the remainder of the people had not been intelligent, it would no doubt have been extremely dangerous. It has led to some serious local interruptions of order and prosperity, but they have been, so far, temporary; and the general effect has been to awaken ambition for education; the children of new-made citizens have enjoyed the same facilities as others to acquire intelligence necessary to a citizen; and the right of suffrage,

when extended to the ignorant and degraded has seemed to pro. duce the general effect of destroying a dangerous class by raising them gradually to intelligence and self-respect and respect for the laws, by making them the political equals of those who are socially and intellectually far above them.

7. As we grow in numbers all influences like this take a wider range, and acquire more power, and sometimes produce different results, when they become extensive, from what was the case when more limited, from the difference of influence in modifying causes; and there has always been fear of trouble from the extension of suffrage to too many ignorant persons. It is well to be cautious; but we ought to venture as far as possible for the sake of improving and elevating all classes of our people.

8. It is also a question worthy of attention if women who own property that is taxed ought not to possess the right of suffrage. The war that made us a Nation was begun because we refused to be taxed unless we could be represented, and have a vote in the body laying the taxes. The principle appears to be precisely the same; and what we fought for then should not be denied now.

CHAPTER II.

OUR CITIZENS OF FOREIGN BIRTH.

Whatever fault we may sometimes find with the conduct of our government; however much self-seeking to the neglect of the public good there may be among officials; however many weaknesses, errors, and violations of law may call for our severest reprobation, and, in moments of depression, lead us to look gloomily and doubtfully toward the future; yet it is not to be denied that the Home of real Freedom is with us. Mismanagement is but temporary, or limited, and easily admits of remedy, with time and care; our advantages are permanent and

extensive. In eighty years the population has become nearly twelve times as numerous as at the beginning of that period, and this rapid growth in numbers has been made up largely from the disposition of foreigners to make a permanent home among us. Those who are oppressed, who suffer restraint in their interests or belief, or wish for a wider career for themselves or their families who want a free field for business enterprise, for mental and moral development, or full play for their abilities to influence their fellow men, come to us. Here they find fair opportunity for what may be lacking elsewhere. They come here by millions; the poor, by industry, become rich; the oppressed leave persecutions and galling burdens behind them; and genius finds full play for its aspirations in whatever direction its energies may be turned.

At the time of the last Census there were 5.567.229 persons in the Union, and forming part of our population, of foreign birth. A large part of these have become citizens by Naturalization. The remainder, or their descendants, if they remain here, will become citizens by that process, or by lapse of time.

After they have become familiar with our institution, ideas, and habits, they are incorporated with the body of our citizens and are a part of the Nation. The naturalized citizen may become, in time, a State officer, or member of Congress, if he can make himself acceptable to his fellow citizens; or he may possibly five to see his son President of the United States.

Congress alone has power, under the Constitution, to enact naturalization laws. Suffrage, or the right of voting, is left to the regulation of the States, within certain limits; but every citizen, made such by law of the General Government, is also a citizen of the State in which he resides, and will acquire, within such times as State regulations shall determine, the right

to vote.

State laws regarding suffrage vary. Some States even admit aliens who are not citizens of the United States to the right of suffrage and to other privileges; and most require any citizen to reside a prescribed length of time in the State before he