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retaliated upon ourselves? Alas, we have done none of these things! We have made no preparation whatever against foreign warfare: we have not only noways augmented our armaments, but we have sedulously reduced them; and, while carrying on a course of Liberal aggression on the greatest European States, and actually arriving on the verge of a war with Russia and France, twice in three months, we have been incessantly engaged in the reduction of our forces by sea and land, and the surrender of any surplus revenue, the moment it appears, to some clamorous urban interest in the community. We act abroad as if we were bent on lighting up a universal and interminable war; we reduce at home, as if we were certain of universal and interminable peace. We bully foreign nations, as if we were actuated by the aggressive spirit of the Roman senate; we crouch to Mr Cobden and the Economists at home, as if we were actuated by the temporising spirit of the Venetian oligarchy. We conclude with the admirable observations of Lord Ellenborough, whose precautionary measures, amidst a similar combination of external aggression and internal reduction, righted the disasters of Affghanistan, and prepared the triumphs of Sobraon :

"This country had not improved, as compared with other countries, in a military point of view; and if the new principles of foreign policy recently promulgated were to be acted upon, it behoved them to be prepared for the contingency of hostilities. The principles themselves, as enunciated, were certainly trite and common-place enough; but the classical allusion to the Roman citizen, whom the British citizen was hereafter to resemble, showed that something more was meant. Undoubtedly, it would be very agreeable for Englishmen to stalk over the Continent as though they were some superior beings, and affect to be released from all obligations of obedience to the laws of the country in which they might happen to be, and rely on the protection of the strong arm of this country. But their lordships must recollect that if the British citizen was to enjoy the immunities of the Roman citizen, he must be content to take them on the same conditions, and an army must be maintained to preserve these immunities. But nothing could be more absurd than to institute a compari

son between the two nations. The govern-
ment of Rome was essentially military,
with arms its chief study, war its prime
object, and conquest its desire. The de-
sire of this country was, not to make war,
but to make money. (Hear, hear, and a
laugh.) But it would be most irrational
to suppose, and lead to great calamities
if they indulged in the delusion, that Bri-
tish subjects would be respected as
Roman citizens were respected, if they
did not provide the same means of pro-
tecting them. But it had been said we
must not suppose, when angry words were
used, that blows were always to follow.
That might be true when nations were of
equal strength; but where one State in-
sisted on remaining, like this country, in a
state of persevering weakness-deter-
mined to take no means whatever for its
protection, resolved to be defenceless-it
was not for us to incur the anger of
armed states desirous of war, and anxious
to wreak on us the vengeance which they
had treasured for ages. It was very well
to talk of sympathy with governments
co-operating with their subjects in the
advancement of constitutional principles;
but if they waited for this concurrence in
the pursuit of freedom-if they waited
for the concurrence of the King of Naples
with the people of Sicily, or the Emperor
of Austria with the Milanese or the
Venetian States-he did not think they
would at a very early period be called on
for the exhibition of their sympathy. This
word sympathy was of a somewhat ques-
tionable and dangerous character, for, if
we mistook not, the United States' bor-
derers who invaded the territory of
Canada not long ago assumed the peaceful
name of sympathisers. If they were pre-
pared to persevere in having a very small
peace establishment, in keeping our coasts
perfectly defenceless, it was absolutely
necessary to make our language abroad
conform to our weakness at home.
might be very well for us to do as we
have done if we had forty sail of the line,
100,000 soldiers at our disposal, and
£10,000,000 in our Treasury. But, with
no larger fleet than that possessed by
France, and with no more disposable
ships than would equal one-third of the
force which Russia in a few weeks might
bring full of troops to the mouth of the
Thames-with not a corporal's guard dis-
posable, and not a single spare florin in
the treasury-it would be a shear absur-
dity to indulge in such aspirations. He
therefore hoped that our Government,
under these circumstances, would at least
abstain from giving offence to nations
with arms in their hands, and who were
both ready and desirous to use them to
our disadvantage."

It

THE MYSTERIES OF HISTORY.

FREDERICK BÜLAU, Professor of Practical Philosophy at the University of Leipzig, and editor, since the year 1843, of the Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, is one of those learned and indefatigable men of letters whom Germany produces in greater number perhaps than any other countryslaves of the lamp, whose whole lives are devoted to the acquisition and diffusion of knowledge, and whose very recreation consists apparently in that which, by most men, would be considered toil. Born in 1805, educated at Freiberg and Leipzig, at the age of twenty-three he was a lecturer in the latter city, at whose University, five years later, he was called to a professor's chair. During the last twenty years, besides fulfilling his academical duties, and displaying extraordinary fertility and activity as a journalist and encyclopedist, he has produced numerous political and historical works. An annotated translation of the Germania of Tacitus, executed in conjunction with his friend Julius Weiske -who since then has also filled a chair at Leipzig University-was his earliest production; a history of Saxony, published at the end of 1849, was his latest, we believe, until the appearance of the curious and amusing volume whose attractive title is at the foot of this page, and whose preface explains its nature and object. Professor Bulan there informs us that, whilst especially devoting himself, in his historical researches and writings, to the exposition of important events, and to the development of great political laws, he has always taken a lively interest in those minor details which illustrate the men and manners of the times, and especially in mysterious or inexplicable incidents, and in individuals of ambiguous or enigmatical character. Concurrently with his more serious labours, he has collected copious materials for a work of which the present volume is the commenceWhilst collating innumerable

ment.

dusty tomes, long unopened save by the antiquary or historian, whilst wading through masses of old journals, biographies, and memoirs, he has stumbled upon many things which, in their day, excited the strongest interest, and which he deems still calculated so to do, if rescued from long oblivion and again placed before the world. Other remarkable and mysterious events, originally known to few persons, and which have been distorted or slurred over by memoir writers, claim a careful and impartial investigation of their circumstances. Valuable connections and fortunate accidents, Mr Bülau informs us, have placed at his disposal much that has hitherto been hidden. "In this volume," he proceeds to say—

"I am so fortunate as to bring forward some important contributions to history, which hitherto have lain dormant in the portfolios of veteran statesmen. Others, equally valuable and novel, are in my hands for publication in future volumes. And I cherish the hope of being favoured, from similar sources, with other buried treasures of the same kind, whose possessors may be willing to communicate them, when assured of their being used with care and discretion. With this pledge, I here invite friendly communications."

The invitation is by no means a bad idea; and whilst the learned professor's ability and reputation may well induce the confidence he desires, they offer, on the other hand, a guarantee to his readers that what he puts forth as trustworthy and authentic, may safely be received as such, even though he be not at liberty to name the source whence it is derived.

Mr Bülau's first volume contains twenty-two sections, including great variety and contrast of subject. Of some of the events recorded, time has cleared up much of the mystery which enveloped them at the period of their Occurrence. Others still are, and probably will ever remain, inexplicable. In more than one instance new light

Geheime Geschichten und Räthselhafte Menschen. Sammlung verborgener oder Tergessener Merkwürdigkeiten. Herausgegeben von FRIEDRICH BULAU. Erster Band. Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1850. London: Williams & Norgate.

is thrown on important historical episodes. Where little is added to facts already generally known, Mr Bülau enriches his subject with acute deductions and conjectures. Although he wanders to many parts of Europe, most of the persons and incidents he touches upon appertain to the annals of France and Germany. Russian history furnishes two long and interesting chapters. A memoir of Lord Lovat fills a third. With the renegade Count Bonneval we are taken to Turkey; and with the singular impostor Cagliostro we wander to and fro, and are never at rest. Court intrigues, military adventures, remarkable conspiracies, strange superstitions, religious fanatics, alchymists, ghost-seers, prophets and conjurors, constitute the leading topics of the volume. At the head of the index stand the Russian revolutions of 1762 and 1801; the dethronement and death of the Czars Peter III. and Paul I. "For these two memoirs," says the professor

"I am indebted to an honoured hand. The first, however, was incomplete, and I supplied the deficiencies from other sources. But I certainly do not err in estimating the memoir of the death of the Emperor Paul to be a most valuable historical document, elucidating that remarkable event to the utmost possible extent."

It would be more satisfactory were Mr Bülau at liberty to name the verehrte hand from whom he obtained the document. But although he does not do this, he gives, at the commencement of Section II. certain particulars in corroboration of its authenticity, and which might even afford, to persons still alive in Russia and Germany, indications whereby to trace its origin.

"The memoir of the revolution of 12-24 March, 1801, which we are here allowed to publish, was drawn up in December 1804, by a statesman who, during a more than three years' residence at the Russian court, collected the most trustworthy in

formation that could be procured concerning the event. The memoir had remained for a long time in his desk, when a fortunate chance supplied him with fresh materials, enabling him to enrich, extend, and corroborate his statements. These

materials consisted, first, of the copy of a report made in June 1801, to his government, by the representative in Russia of a great foreign power, and which was chiefly based upon communications made to the said ambassador by General Benningsen. Secondly, of certain notes which a person had committed to paper, after confidential conversations with Benningsen towards the close of the life of that general, who, more than twenty years after the occurrence, was living in Germany, and there ended his days. The author of the memoir had the satisfaction of finding, that in not one essential point were these two papers at variance with his own sketch. We here give the memoir itself, translated from the French of the original."

Besides comprising many new details and curious anecdotes, this memoir is highly interesting by reason of certain points of difference from the generally received account of the plot in question. The author begins by declaring, that, if he cannot flatter himself with having got together every detail worthy of note, on the other hand he can vouch for the correctness of all those that he has set down.

"The catastrophe," he says, "which put an end to the reign and life of the emperor Paul I., was accompanied by so many extraordinary circumstances, and so many persons, still (1804) high in office, were implicated in it, that a certain repugnance to busy one's self with the details of an apparent crime, and the apprehension of collision with powerful men, have hitherto prevented any but inexact and passing the Russian frontier." unconnected particulars of the affair from

He proceeds to sketch the character of Paul, and to glance at the causes of the mental disease that manifested itself towards the end of his life-his singular fickleness of character, and the general mistrust and suspicion of all around him which arose in great part from the system of espionnage adopted towards him by his mother, the empress Catherine, whose interference in all his affairs-even to the education of his children-galled and chafed him, and rendered him extraordinarily irritable and violent. "Constantly surrounded by his mother's agents, the Grand-duke had sought friends, and found only informers; till at last he conceived the most profound contempt for the nation he was

destined to rule." The same extraordinary capriciousness, which, in less than four years and a half, caused him alternately to conclude 'treaties and declare war with almost every European power, and in the same period to change his minister of foreign affairs four times, and his minister of the interior five times, governed him also in his choice of confidants and favourites. Of these the change was constant, and only two, Prince Kurakin and Count Kutaizow, preserved his confidence for any length of time, and were faithful to him until death. Kutaizow, whose real name was Paul Petrovitsch, had been the emperor's barber, but became his master of the horse, and received the blue ribbon. He and Alexander Narischkin, according to this memoir, were purveyors of Paul's pleasures, and were thought to have increased his mental malady by stimulating him to abuse of his physical powers.

Count Rostopschin, best known in connection with the burning of Moscow in 1812, was at the head of foreign affairs when Count Pahlen first acquired influence at court. Pahlen did this so skilfully and unobtrusively that he had captivated Paul's confidence before the jealousy of the other favourites was in the least awakened.

"This able man," says the memoir, "who concealed a most subtle genius under an appearance of boisterous candour, knew how to render himself useful

man.

and even necessary without exciting the mistrust of rivals. The sensual egotists then at the head of Russian affairs, needed the aid of an active and decided When Rostopschin had set aside Count Panin (nephew of the Count Panin who superintended Paul's education,) Pahlen became a member of the department of foreign affairs, whose chief guidance he assumed when Rostopschin soon afterwards fell into disgrace. With that important charge he combined those of postmaster-general, governor and military inspector of St Petersburg, and governor-general of Ingermanland and Livonia. Never had a Russian subject legitimately exercised greater powers few months preceding the outbreak of the than those enjoyed by Pahlen during the plot whose chief he was.

"Born of a noble and ancient Livonian family, at a very early age Pahlen entered the Russian Guards as a cadet,t and was thence transferred, with rank of major, into a cavalry regiment of the line. During the two wars with the Turks he rose to be major-general. He passed for a brave, active, and resolute officer, but a great spendthrift. nings, subsequently gave rise to susHis passion for play, and his large winpicions of his probity. Pahlen would never have thought of aiding in a change of government, had not Paul's fickleness been too often proved to allow the minister to doubt that he himself would sooner or later have a fall-the fatal for the great elevation he had attained; and if he had not also had opportunities of observing (better than any one else) that the Czar was subject to such fits of fury as left no doubt of his occasional

more

At Venice, in the year 1782, in conversation with the Countess of Rosenberg, whom he honoured with his friendship, he addressed to her these remarkable words: -"I know not whether I shall come to the throne; but if fate decrees that I shall, wonder not at what you will then see me do. You know my heart, but you do not know these people, (meaning the Russians,) and I know how they must be managed." BULAU, Geheime Geschichten, &c., p. 61.

From these cadets of the Guard, the strongest and steadiest were selected to act as couriers, and the poorer nobility looked upon such journeys as a means of seeing foreign countries at the expense of the state. During Count Ostermann's embassy to Sweden, Pahlen was one day sent for to go as courier to Stockholm with important despatches, and the money for his travelling expenses was given to him. Pahlen gambled the whole night, lost the entire sum, exhausted his small credit, and looked upon himself as a ruined man. He was wandering along the quays, musing over the consequences of his folly, when he met the master of a ship with whom he had some acquaintance, and told him of his desperate plight. As it happened, the ship was on the point of sailing for Sweden. Pahlen took his passage by her, taking his chance whether the voyage would last four days, or a whole mouth. As it happened he reached Stockholm in so short a time that Count Ostermann thought there must be a mistake in the date of the despatches. The rapidity of his journey was attributed to his extreme zeal and activity, and contributed to his favour with the empress and ministry. This was the first extraordinary piece of luck that fell to his share.-BÜLAU, p. 66.

insanity. It may be positively stated that he, Admiral Rivas, Count Panin, (nephew of the old minister, and then vice-chancellor of the empire,) and Lieut.General Talizin, commander of the Preobratzschenskoy Guards, had formed, in the autumn of 1800, a plan to dethrone the emperor, and to replace him by his son Alexander. It was essential to obtain the Grand-duke's concurrence in the project. We believe ourselves in a position positively to declare that Count Panin was intrusted with this negotiation, and brought it to a successful issue.

"The character of the young prince and of the minister, (Panin,) are sufficient assurance that there was never any question of taking Paul's life. Count Panin was actuated in the undertaking by pure and unselfish patriotism, which apprehended the ruin of Russia as a consequence of the prolongation of Paul's reign, and foresaw the happiness of the empire under the rule of Alexander. It was only to crown the son, that he agreed to the father's dethronement."

The memoir-writer proceeds with further arguments, to show that Alexander had never contemplated his father's death. The pious and amiable character, and many virtues of Paul's successor, render such arguments almost superfluous. The writer also exonerates Benningsen, and the majority of the conspirators, from any preconceived intention of depriving the Czar of life. But more of this appears when we reach the scene of the murder. The first conspiracy was in a measure broken up by the banishment from court of Count Panin, who had fallen into disgrace. The author of the memoir merely adverts to it, he says, to settle the important question whether or not Alexander was privy to the plots against Paul. He adds the following curious note:

One

"At this time, (the month of November 1800,) Count Panin had numerous secret interviews with the Grand-duke Alexander. In order effectually to conceal these, they met at night in the connecting galleries of the vaults of the winter palace. evening, as Count Panin left his hotel alone and on foot, he thought he saw a spy observing and following him. escape him, he walked to and fro through several streets, and at last slipped into

Το

one of the entrances to the above-mentioned vaults. With uncertain steps he was hastening to the place of rendezvous, which was dimly lighted by lamps, when he felt a hand laid upon his shoulder. He made no doubt but that he was in the power of the police, when suddenly he recognised the Grand-duke Alexander, who had been some time waiting for him. These details were related to the author of this memoir by Count Panin himself, who died at the beginning of 1837."

At the end of the year 1800, the emperor published a sort of amnesty, permitting the return to St Petersburg of dismissed and banished officials, both civil and military. The three brothers Zoubow, favourites of Catherine, but harshly treated by Paul, were thus enabled to reappear in the capital. Count Valerian Zoubow, a brave and enterprising officer, who had lost a leg in Poland, and who was in the full tide of a successful campaign against Persia when Paul's accession was followed by the recall of his victorious army,* was the The very man to replace Panin. Zoubows threw themselves readily into the conspiracy; and their sister, Madame Scherebzow, obtaining permission to travel abroad, betook herself to Berlin with a large amount of money and jewels, to provide a refuge and resource for her brothers in case the conspiracy should miscarry, and they should succeed in escaping. Finally, the Brunswicker Benningsen, who had passed from the Hanoverian to the Russian service, bringing with him

to

strong recommendations Count Panin, and who had commanded a division in Persia under Valerian Zoubow, was summoned to St Petersburg by his old friend and comrade Pallen-from a provincial command (a virtual exile) to which he had been condemned by Paul, on suspicion of his being in the interests of England-and was easily prevailed upon to join the conspiracy. It was arranged that he should command the detachment intended to penetrate into the interior of the palace-a command which Pahlen was to have assumed, but which he willingly

*The army was recalled immediately on Catherine's death, by orders sent, not to the general-in-chief, (to whom no communication was made on the subject,) but directly to the commanders of regiments-a strong indiction that hatred to Zoubow was amongst the motives of its recall.

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