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neglect of the spiritual and ethical elements in man, would make the worker a mere instrument for the realization of mechanical efficiency. Nevertheless the present system cannot be allowed to endure. It must give way to an adaptation of the guild system of the Middle Ages. Industry should for the most part be carried on by small groups of independent producers, who will set before themselves the supreme aim of quality rather than of quantity. This means that large industrial units, and to a considerable extent machinery itself, must be abolished. Only thus will the workers come to have the status of men instead of instruments of production. In the opinion of Mr. Penty big business is really efficient in only a few lines of production, and in a very large part of the field it will be better for humanity to discard the machines and sacrifice quantity to quality. When this change has been made and the independent worker is once more the center and the chief consideration we shall see a revival of artistic aims, ideals, and products throughout the industrial world.

Put into the form of this bald summary, the propositions of the book will probably strike the average reader as not merely "mediaeval" but antediluvian. This would be emphatically a rash judgment. The majority of those who read the book with open and sympathetic minds will not indeed accept the author's main thesis, but they will probably be inclined to admit that he has written a disquieting criticism of many features and assumptions of the industrial system which we have been accustomed to take for granted. His reasoning will at least compel the discriminating reader to consider seriously whether our great industries do not of necessity kill initiative, the joy of work, and the sense of artistry in the workers, making them veritable slaves of the machines that they serve.

CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA

JOHN A. RYAN

The War and the Coming Peace. By MORRIS JASTROW, JR., PH.D., LL.D. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1918. Pp. 144. $1.00.

The unscrupulous imperialistic designs of Germany in the Near East have been outlined by Dr. Jastrow in a former book, The War and the Bagdad Railway. This later work, which is in a sense a companion volume, deals with the moral questions underlying the whole German policy. In "The War as a Moral Issue," which is the first of two essays

comprising the book, the moral issue is stated as "the recognition on the part of the world that an attempt to carry out national policies through the appeal to force, or even by the threat of force, is a cardinal sin against the moral conscience of mankind." In the second essay, "The Problem of Peace," the thought made familiar by President Wilson is developed, that no peace can be more than a truce if the terms agreed upon ignore fundamental moral issues, and that the highest morality among nations can come only as nationalism is subordinated to internationalism.

While the volume contains little that is new either of information or of philosophy, it is stimulating and inspirational. The point of view presented is one which must prevail if the nation is to keep its moral balance in the hour of triumph.

YOUNG MEN'S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION COLLEGE

EARLE E. EUBANK

Democracy after the War. By JOHN A. HOBSON. New York: Macmillan, 1918. Pp. 215. $1.25.

The love for fairy tales often lingers on beyond childhood into maturity. But John A. Hobson, the sturdy rationalist, is not one of those suffering from such prolonged adolescence. Nor is this, his latest book, likely to offer solace to such naïve subscribers to the cult of illusion as believe that the present Great War or its termination is going automatically to usher in the millennium of democracy, internationalism, and permanent peace. Indeed, two-thirds of the book is given over to a searching analysis of the forces of reaction which threaten to neutralize all the potential good which the war might bring to democratic civilization.

His thesis is that capitalistic society has got itself into a vicious circle which, unless broken, must inevitably rob the world of the fruits of a democratic peace; for the issue is capitalism versus democracy always and everywhere. Because of the intimate relationship between capitalism and militarism, which makes of the military machine an agency, not only for protecting capitalistic interests abroad, but also for subjugating the laboring population at home, and because of the great prestige which this prolonged war is likely to bring to militarism, we are faced with an urgent situation, in the course of which the enemies of democracy, economic, political, religious, and intellectual, are likely to combine to sow the seeds of future strife between the nations and to fasten a system

of caste and bureaucracy upon a tired people. While Hobson frankly accepts the main outlines of the general socialistic analysis and of the economic interpretation of history, yet he specifically avoids what he points out to be the fatal socialist mistake of damaging its appeal to rational persuasion "by an excessive simplification of the problem and in particular by ignoring or disparaging the importance of non-economic factors." Moreover, Hobson takes a strong stand against the idea that progress may happen by chance or destiny, working without the conscious will or effort of man. Real democracy, he insists, cannot be achieved without a sufficient amount of intelligent co-operation based upon clear purpose. Hence the vicious circle made by "the confederacy of antidemocratic forces of which militarism is the physical instrument" will not suddenly break of itself but must be destroyed through the combination of various efforts. First, there must be a unity of action among all the specialized reformers, whether in education, or social hygiene, or public health, or franchise, or taxation. The friends of democracy must line up solidly against the confederacy of reaction. Secondly, there must be democracy in industry, which alone can assure that larger industrial productivity necessary to secure the minimum of prosperity which is basic to steady progress. Again, we shall be faced with an enlarged control by the state of industry; therefore the state must be conquered for democracy. This does not mean simply an extension of the franchise, but rather a political system by which "men fairly representative of the common interests of the people" shall be substituted "at the focal points for the present guardians of class interests." Education is the key to this new political and economic democracy. Democracy must therefore prepare for two great struggles, the one against the attempt, not unknown in America, to trim down the national expenditure on human culture while enlarging the subsidies for technical and utilitarian instruction; the other against the attempt to degrade such human culture as is provided by the educational system through the "intrusion of sedatives and stimuli devised for interested purposes of defence." From certain allusions in the book it is perfectly apparent that in some parts of this analysis the author is thoroughly imbued with the work of Veblen. This is particularly clear in his treatment of the newspaper, sport, and certain forms of religious organization and education.

In short, the way to break the vicious circle is for the friends of democracy to take their cue from capitalism and to divide the business. world by playing off against each other the various rival business interests, for example, protectionists against free traders. Finally, for the

closed state must be substituted some sound machinery of internationalism. But Hobson asserts and reasserts that if the workers within each nation fail to capture their state, and through the state the new international arrangement, they will fall back helpless into the hands of a renewed and strengthened alliance of capitalist and militarist.

The book is designedly provocative and not exhaustive. It is a call to be on guard. May it serve as an antidote to national conceit, complacency, and manifest destinism. An unusually good index for so small a book makes it doubly useful.

UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA

ARTHUR J. TODD

Statistics. By WILLIAM B. BAILEY, PH.D., and JOHN CUMMINGS, PH.D. Chicago: A. C. McClurg & Co., 1917. Pp. 153. $0.60.

This volume of the National Social Service Series was prepared to meet the needs of social workers, students, and others who desire a knowledge of the elementary methods of statistics. The processes of statistical investigation are set forth in their natural sequence in seven chapters with titles as follows: "Gathering the Raw Material," "Editing Schedules," "Tabulation," "Ratios," "Averages," "Graphical Representation," and "Correlation."

This arrangement, together with the admirable clearness and ease of the text, makes this book delightful reading to one who is familiar with the illustrative references, which are abundant and well chosen. These authors, like Bowley, succeed in combining effectively practical wisdom with theory. They have condensed much material within the narrow limits of a volume of this series. It is to be feared, however, that the text is too condensed for beginners. If the authors were to prepare a volume of ample size with a free use of subtitles and a generous supply of illustrative material, including tables and graphs, it would make a notable textbook.

OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY

MARY LOUISE MARK

The Theory of Environment. By ARMIN H. KOLLER. Menasha, Wis.: Banta Publishing Co., 1918. Pp. 104. $1.00.

This slender book, described in the subtitle as "An Outline of the History of the Idea of Milieu and Its Present Status," compiles the

opinions of various authorities, some reliable and others unreliable, on a long list of books dealing with the subject of geographic environment. These opinions are for the most part quoted in the original German or French, as the case may be. There is scant evidence of first-hand knowledge of the material on the part of the author himself. He derives his data or estimates quite frankly from prefaces, book reviews, or historical sketches written from some particular standpoint, generally sociological. Consequently contributors to the science of anthropogeography receive notice quite disproportionate to their value. An Arab historian of the fourteenth century gets two pages, quoted from Flint. Jean Bodin, a brilliant but little-known authority of the sixteenth century, is elaborately discussed in six pages. Strabo, von Richthofen, and Ellsworth Huntington each get one short sentence, while Ratzel, who raised anthropogeography to the rank of a science, receives one meager page of comment. Important names like those of Peschel, Wilhelm Götz, Chisholm, and Mackinder are ignored. The author makes little attempt to trace the evolution of the science or to evaluate the contributions of the various geographers to its development.

TANNERSVILLE, N.Y.

ELLEN C. SEMPLE

The Unmarried Mother. By PERCY GAMBLE KAMMERER. With an Introduction by WILLIAM HEALY. Criminal Science Monograph No. 3. Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1918. Pp. xiv+ 342.

$3.00 net.

Our ordinary method of reaching hasty conclusions regarding the unmarried mother from a few cases that have come incidentally to our attention is no longer justified, for during the last decade several monographic studies of the problem of illegitimacy have been presented. In addition to these we now have available a very thorough and exhaustive examination and classification by Kammerer of five hundred cases" secured from private societies and one state board.

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This is an inductive study of case histories, somewhat in the fashion of Healy's researches. Sixty-nine of the cases are summarized in the book as illustrations. It is to be regretted that the other cases are not made available so that the reader could verify the conclusions of the author.

The three most important causes are found to be bad home conditions, bad environment, and mental abnormality. Bad home conditions

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