actually brought forward by himself.

Lord Folkestone replied, that he would not enter into a controversy with the right hon. gent. upon the subject of his garbled pledges; but he recollected, very accurately, that the right hon. gent. did promise to bring this question of the Carnatic before the house. As to the grounds upon which he had been induced to abandon that question, he really was not apprized of them. He had heard something of the right hon. gent.'s unwillingness to excite unpleasant sensations among his colleagues in office---that is, in plain English, that he was not willing to lose his place. He was, however, glad to hear the right hon. gent.'s fresh pledge this evening for his strenuous and sincere assistance, wherever he would be strenuous and sincere, would, no doubt, be a most important acquisition indeed. The noble lord repelled the idea, that he was the substitute of Mr. Paull, or of any man, and even the friends of lord Wellesley ought to be obliged to him for the course he was about to take, as it would afford them an opportunity of vindicating his character, as well as the character of the country, which was stained by the acts inputed to him. If these imputations should prove to be unjust, he declared that he should feel the highest satisfaction, for he had no personal prejudices whatever against lord Wellesley. As to the course he meant to pursue, it would be open to any other member to propose a different one, if he thought proper, and this course would not at all interfere with those who wished to go the length of impeachment.

Mr. Sheridan rose again, and observed with some warmth, that no doubt his lordship wished to

have his public conduct ascribed to proper motives, and if he expected to have credit given him for such motives, he should not be so forward to impute improper motives to others. With regard to the motive which the noble lord thought proper to impute to him, he would ask that noble lord to state in what part of his public conduct he had ever seen any thing to justify the imputation he had attempted to fix upon him, to shew that he would be induced to abandon his principles to a love of his place; or to sustain against him any charge of inconsistency. If the noble lord had had a correct recollection of the proceedings of that house, the noble lord would have known that he did, two years before the present ministry came into place, state the grounds upon which he was induced to decline bringing forward the Carnatic question, at the same time pledging himself to support any person who should bring it forward.

Mr. Whitbread thought the noble lord entitled to his thanks, and also to the thanks of the friends of marquis Wellesley, and that they must be satisfied with the very candid manner in which he had brought forward the present motion. He could not, however, agree in opinion with the honourable gentleman, (Mr. Bankes) that any question of this kind should be referred to the board of Indian

judicature, for he thought it beyond the power of any individual to bring any delinquent to punishment before it. He was, therefore, glad the noble lord had brought forward the present motion.

Mr. Wellesley Pole thanked the noble lord for the manner in which he had brought forward the busi→ ness, and for the civility with

which

which he had treated his noble relative. The dignity of parliament required, that this business should not lie dormant. Parlia ment, however, had taken no proceedings on this charge, although it had been circulated with much industry throughout the country. It was equally desirable for the house, and his noble relation, that the business should be proceeded with. He had given notice of his intention, as soon as the noble lord's motion should be disposed of, to move for the remaining documents, in order that the whole case might be before the house. Every inquiry into the conduct of marquis Wellesley, had always had his hearty concurrence, and he was anxious that every paper, which his majesty's ministers could produce, consistently with the public interests, should be laid before the house; but, in saying this, he did not presume to judge what might be the decision of the house. As to the Carnatic question, he wished to ask the right honourable gentleman, (Mr. Sheridan) what preference he wished to give his noble relation, because, on a a former occasion, alluding to this question, that right honourable gentleman had stated, that the Madras government was criminal, the board of control criminal, and above all, the court of directors were highly criminal. Mr. Sheridan, in explanation, said, the honourable gentleman had stated his expressions very correctly. When he had first given notice of a motion tending to criminate the Madras government, and lord Wellesley, by implication, an honourable gentleman had moved for an immense volume of papers, by way of vindication; the effect of which was, to prove lord Wellesley infinitely more culpable than he had thought, the board

of control more culpable than lord Wellesley, and the court of directors more culpable than all. He had said, that the transaction involved great criminality in the Madras government, and particularly lord Clive; in the Bengal government, and lord Wellesley as the head of that government; in the board of control; and, above all, in the court of directors. It was, therefore, very true, that if the Madras government was not guilty in good company, at least it was in very powerfulcompany.

Mr. R. Thornton said, he had never been of opinion that the criminality that might be found to attach to lord Wellesley's conduct, would amount to sufficient ground for impeachment. But he thought it necessary, for the honour of the country, that the noble lord's conduct should be enquired into. The papers were then ordered to be re-printed. On the motion of Mr. W. Pole, a similar order was made with respect to the other papers connected with the Oude charge.

MASSACRE AT VELLORE.

FRIDAY, FEBRuary, 6. Mr. Howard rose, for the purpose of putting a question to the right honourable the president of the board of control, (Mr. Tierney) respecting some transactions that had recently taken place at Vellore, in India. Some time had elapsed since letters from Madras had brought accounts of the mutiny that had taken place at that town, and of the carnage that followed, in which upwards of 1000 British and natives had been lost. Rumour ascribed this disaster to some dangerous and unprecedented measures, which had been resorted to at that presidency,

and

and deserved the most severe animadversion. He should not enter into any detail of the melancholy transaction; but when the importance of an investigation, both to the interests of British subjects in India, and to the stability of British power in that quarter, was considered, he was sure it would be felt that he was entitled to the information he called for. He wished, therefore, to ask the right honourable gentleman whether any authentic accounts of that transaction had been received by the board of control, or by the court of directors. There were vessels now going out; and a new governorgeneral and commander in chief were on the point of setting out for India. He thought it, therefore, material to know, for the consolation of the friends of the British subjects now going out, and already settled in India, what information had been received, and whether any instructions, as to the measures to be adopted respecting this affair, had been sent out. He was of opinion that it was necessary to shew, that if mismanagement or misconduct had been practised in India, the circumstances would be investigated in England, and decided in a manner consistent with the interests of all parties.

Mr. Tierney, was not at all surprized at the anxiety felt by the honourable gentleman. For some time past rumours of the transaction had been in circulation; but, unhappily, he was unable to give any answer to the honourable gentleman on this subject, as no authentic accounts had yet been received, either by the court of directors or the board of control. But he would assure the honourable gentleman that, as soon as the accounts should arrive, they would be laid before the house, so far as

they could consistently with a proper regard to the public interest. What steps would be taken, or what instructions sent out, it was not possible to state before the official accounts should arrive. But the hon. gent. could surely not think that the officers, now on the point of setting out, ought to be detained till the accounts should arrive. On the contrary, it was desirable that they should proceed to their destination with all expedition, in order to take such measures as their good sense, and experience would point out, under all the circumstances of the case.

Thursday, February 26, 1807.

CARNATIC PAPERS.

Sir Thomas Turton rose and spoke as follows:-Pursuant to a notice I gave on a former day, I rise, Sir, to call the attention of the house to the subject of the Carnatic. The papers which I think necessary for the elucidation of that subject, and which will be specified in the motion, which I shall have the honor of making, and to which, I trust, there will be no objection, since they have already been laid upon the table of this house, and remained for a considerable time :-the papers alluded to, were called for by an hon. gentleman, not now a member of this house, and they were moved for originally, on reasons which I hope will apply now. After a short statement of the case, I am inclined to believe there will be no objection to my motion, because the documents it calls for are necessary for the purpose of justice, as well towards the party accused, as to the accuser. When the motion was formerly made on this subject, the facts were then recent in the recollection

recollection of the house, from the history of the transaction which was then given. Sir, it is in the recollection of almost every man, that intelligence arrived in this country, of the death of Omdut ul Omrah, commonly called the nabob of the Carnatic, and of the circumstances of his lineal successor, as he would have been by the Mohammedan law, being dethroned, and another placed in his room. Many persons acquainted with Indian politics, perfectly well know the circumstances attending that deposition; but none could reconcile the act on any principle of justice; for every one knew, from the youth of the prince, as well as from his mode of conduct, that the act could not have arisen out of any proceedings of his own. He had not had an opportunity of doing any one act of government, before the Indian presidencies had adopted a line of policy, which deprived him of the Musnud. Enquiries were accordingly made into the subject, and that young prince found a very able advocate in the right hon. gentleman opposite to me, (Mr. Sheridan,) and also in an hon. gent, not now a member of this house. Upon that occasion, the enquiry took up a considerable length of time, the number of papers moved for swelled to a considerable size, and the subject was interrupted by the dissolution of the late parliament. It is unnecessary for me to enter into any discussion on the propriety of renewing the consideration of this important subject, much less is it necessary for me to enquire into the motives which could induce the right honourable gentleman, who had once brought the subject before the house, to relinquish it, since it is not in my power to know the

motives that might influence his conduct. I am well assured, from the general tenor, and habits of his political life, nothing could have induced him to decline bringing forward the subject, that is inconsistent with public duty; yet it is impossible not to perceive, that the right hon. gentleman's connections at present are persons who, if their wishes could operate upon his judgment, would induce him to decline the further investigation of this subject: and, that the right hon. gent. does decline it, we have his own declaration. It has, therefore, devolved to me, and I cannot but regret it has not fallen into abler hands. But it is a duty, as I feel it, to bring this question forward, for reasons which must be obvious to the house, and which I hinted at when I gave my notice. I said then, and I now repeat it, if any other member of the house should be inclined to take the subject out of my hands, I should most cheerfully deliver it up to such person, promising him most faithfully, that he shall have my cordial, active, and zealous support, to the utmost of my power. But if no other gentleman chuses to take that part, I feel I have a claim upon the justice of the house, in calling its attention to this subject. I will add, that not only do I conceive, that I have a claim upon the justice of the house, in soliciting its attention, but I have a claim also to the assisttance of the house in discussing it; for you know, Sir, that those who have any reason to complain upon this subject, can have no redress any where, except in this house, and, it is as essential to the interests of this nation, as it is to those of the noble marquis, to have the matter completely investigated, and to remove all suspicions, that can

possibly

possibly attach to any of the transactions, in which that noble marquis was concerned. I wish to say nothing farther of that nobleman at present, than that he is a man of great abilities, and comprehensive talents, of which he has given proof on many occasions. It has been rumoured, that the noble marquis is thought of, as a fit person to fill a high and responsible office in this country-a circumstance which can never happen, until his character shall be rescued from the situation in which it appears to be implicated, as relating to Carnatic transactions In urging the investigation of the Carnatic papers, I am consulting the only fair mode of establishing the character of that nobleman, for which he ought to be thankful. It appears to me, from the papers which I am about to call for, and which have been already upon the table of this house, a considerable portion of criminality attaches to the court of directors here, and to the conduct of their principle officers abroad, as well as to the board of control, by which I do not mean the present board. The papers which I shall call for, will shew what degree of blame, if any, is imputable to each of these descriptions of persons, and that is one of the great objects for which my motion is brought forward. With regard to the new papers, which I think it my duty to move for, it is necessary that I should call the attention of the house to the manner in which I first proposed to make a motion, when you, Sir, very properly prevented me from entering into any detail on that occasion, when I confined myself to the bare notice of a motion for printing those papers only which, in my judgment, had a direct bear

ing upon the question to be discussed, not wishing to embarrass it with documents which I thought had no bearing upon the question. For the same reason I intend to exclude the second volume of papers laid on the table in the month of August, 1803; as they relate to state accounts from Lord Hobart, and Lord Macartney, which appear to me to have very little bearing upon the question which I am desirous to have discussed. But if any gentleman thinks they are necessary, I can have no objection to their production. It is now proper, that I should state the object for which I move the reprinting of the papers, and of the printing of such others, as appear to me to be requisite for the thorough understanding of the affair. It has been said, and the same sentiment seems to pervade the whole correspondence of the East India company, and the governor of Madras, that policy might have rendered it necessary, that we should assume the government of the Carnatic. My motion goes to lay before the house, those papers which shew there then existed any ground, or pretence for saying, that the conduct of the nabob had rendered that assumption necessary. It is observable, with reference to the conduct of Marquis Wellesley, immediately after the surrender of Seringapatam, that he refers to an intended account which was to be rendered of the motives, which induced the noble marquis to assume the government, alleging that he would send a review of those transactions to England; but it does not appear that he ever sent that proper statement. There are some letters of the court of directors, too, which require explanation, on which I give no opinion at present; by