Extension of the Franchise, and Vote by Ballot, in Ireland and Great Britain, and of the Representation in Ireland.-Were the Repeal of the Union likely to be immediately attained, the first part of this pledge would be unnecessary for Irish interests, though of immense importance to British freedom; but in the interval of our struggle for legislative independence, it is of the greatest consequence to us to establish the constitution of the House of Commons on a truly popular basis, independent of our duty to promote the principle of popular rights. The proportionate representation of Ireland in the British Parliament is so manifestly inferior to our just claims, that we need adduce no arguments in support of its increase. With respect to the franchise generally, we have already, we conceive, explained the true principle of its extension. We would deny its privilege to no man who was not liable to the direct coercive influence of others, or who was not deficient in the faculties of reason. We adopt the maxim laid down by Blackstone, and which deserves the highest respect: If it were probable that every man would give his vote freely, and without influence of any kind, then, upon the true theory and genuine principles of liberty, every member of the community, however poor, should have a vote in electing those DELEGATES, to whose charge is committed the disposal of his property, his liberty, and his life' Let but the condition here required be complied with by the Ballot, and the highest legal and constitutional authority sanctions the extension of the franchise to every man in the community. Triennial Parliaments.-No man will be foolish enough to dispute the propriety of this pledge. For those who love authority it is sufficient to state, that it proposes but a restoration of an article in the Bill of Rights, which was unconstitutionally violated by a Parliament in that respect. A complete popular Reform in the Constitution of Grand and Petty Juries. The property and life of every member in the community, are injured and endangered, without redress, under the system. pre The full and immediate Extension of the Protection of the Habeas Corpus Act to Ireland.-Who that detests despotism and its advocates, or prizes the rights of constitutional liberty, can withhold his zealous support of this? A Reduction of Taxation. This includes not only a reduction of British taxes and public expenditure, in common with Irish, but such a reduction of taxation, and increase of expenditure of public money in Ireland, as will be commensurate with the losses sustained, by her being made subservient to the interests of England, and by the repeated violations of the Act of Union, in the increase of her taxes, and destruction of her resources. THE NATIONAL UNION. THIS political body, which is to act as the grand centre of the forthcoming agitation, was founded by Mr. O'Connell, in the month of November, 1831. The objects contemplated by him were as follow: 1st. To support the King and his Ministers against a small and interested faction, in accomplishing the great measure of Parliamentary Reform. 2d. To procure the utmost practical and useful extension of the elective franchise. 3d. To unite all well-wishers of their country, from the richest to the poorest, in the pursuit of these important objects. 4th. To use, incessantly, all possible exertions to bury in perpetual oblivion all religious feuds and animosities in Ireland, and to culti vate in their stead mutual benevolence, and unbounded Christian charity to all. 5th. To preserve peace and order in the country, and to guard against any infraction of the law, or any convulsion which the enemies of the people may endeavour to bring about. 6th. To watch over and promote the interests, and to better the condition of the industrious and working classes. 7th. To procure for Ireland, and all its classes, of every sect and persuasion, and of every station in life, from the richest to the poorest, all the comforts, protection, political benefits, and fostering care, which could possibly be produced by a domestic and local legislature. The expediency of postponing the question of the Repeal of the Union suspended that importance which the National Union would otherwise have attained; and although its sittings were continued without intermission during the tedious progress of the Reform Bills, still they seldom were able to attract any considerable share of public attention. It is the importance of the defined object which generally confers a commensurate character on the struggles of a people, and the degree of sympathy which that cause may produce, serves both to nerve its advocates with vigour, and depress their opponents by the indications of its strength and enthusiasm. There was no popular enthusiasm upon the Reform question in Ireland, therefore its absence from the popular assemblies. Those who could feel for the wrongs of their country, and who were willing to give their aid to accomplish her regeneration, had previously set their thoughts upon an object, which, once entertained, would reluctantly give place to the consideration of a question of such limited ambition as the mere amendment of the elective system. Reform was regarded in Ireland as a means, not an end, and the co-operation given by the Irish. people to the British Minister, during the struggle, was conceded in the spirit of this qualification. The past sittings of the National Union were not distinguished by any of these eloquent and exciting harangues, which won for its predecessor, the Association, so much public attention. With the exception of Mr. O'Connell, since the settlement of the Catholic question, the chief speakers, whose talents shed a lustre on the agitation which preceded, retired from the political arena, and their places have been supplied by a class of persons who were wont to act in subaltern situations to them, but whose abilities did not by any means qualify them to be their successors. Their zeal may be entitled to praise, but the public taste has grown too fastidious to concede to their exertions more than a very limited share of applause. A time is now approaching when they must stand aside for other men. A cause, the destinies of which involve too much awful consequences to the country, is about to occupy the minds and employ the energies of the people of Ireland :—that cause may be served by their auxiliary assistance, but is too great to be entrusted even to their combined discretion. Talent and education will ever assert their supremacy; but if persons who possess them are induced to hold back, their stations will be taken possession of by means of the mere display of that effrontery which is the usual concomitant of aspiring mediocrity. The National Union has a defect in its original constitution which it will be obliged to reform, or else it never can as a separate body assert any independence in its transactions. There is a contemporary Union composed of the tradesmen and operative classes, the members of which are qualified to vote at its sittings, and who are in every respect placed upon a perfect equality with the members of the National Union. Thus when any leader in the Trades assembly is enabled to carry any measure he thinks fit to propose for adoption, he has it also in his power to enforce the acquiescence of the National Union, by merely summoning his supporters to follow him to the Corn Exchange, and by the predominance of their superior numbers, to render all opposition by the members of that body quite unavailing. The evil effects of this system will be more felt the more important the proceedings of each become. It is quite a mockery to give to one body the comprehensive title of NATIONAL, if its power is to be thus controlled by another whose constitution is essentially belonging to a district. There is scarcely a period in our history when the existence of a political council was more imperatively required than at present; both to give a direction to the national strength and to repress the premature ebullition of that indignation which is so often elicited by the audacious disdain our rulers have lately shewn for popular rights. A disposition for the establishment of absolute authority has been unequivocally displayed, and yet those symptoms do not resemble the wanton or capricious acts of ordinary tyranny-they seem to have been produced by the operation of the popular efforts, acting upon the not ungrounded apprehensions of those who are the present guardians of a falling system of provincial government. The following are the objects to which the attention of the National Union is henceforward to be devoted: they are contained in a report presented to the Union, by a Committee appointed to consider a letter from Mr. O'Connell, suggesting them, and unanimously adopted on the 27th of August, 1832 : REPORT. 1st. To prepare an address to the throne, to dismiss the Marquis of Anglesey, Mr. Secretary Stanley, and Mr. Attorney-General Blackburne. 2d. To prepare a short and emphatic petition to parliament for the total abolition of Tithes, so as not to leave a trace behind. 3d. To prepare a petition for the immediate Repeal of the Legislative Union-the inefficiency of which has been fully proved by an experience of thirty-two years. 4th. To petition the House of Commons to exhibit articles of impeachment against the Marquis of Anglesey, Secretary Stanley, and Attorney-General Blackburne, for their mismanagement of Ireland, by arrogating to themselves the power of the legislature, and giving the force of law to unconstitutional proclamations-their revival of Orange bigotry-their share in the several matters which have caused so much blood to be shed in Ireland-their dispersing public meetings met for legal purposes--and daring to tread under foot the sacred and most important right of petitioning the legislature. 5th. To appoint in each parish a permanent Committee of nine or more persons for the above purposes, to procure signatures to the addresses and petitions, and to have them ready for presentation on the first day of the first reformed parliament. 6th-The Committee to be entrusted especially with the duty of procuring the registry of every person qualified in the parish to be a voter. 7th. The next great duty of the Committee is to receive donations, but in particular to collect subscriptions of a farthing a week from each individual, to defray the legal and necessary expenses which must be incurred in the attaining of great objects, and in particular to indemnify persons who may be unjustly prosecuted or in anywise persecuted for patriotic exertions in favour of Irish liberty. 8th. That such collection be termed THE NATIONAL RENT, for procuring, by legal and constitutional means exclusively, the extinction of Tithes by Act of Parliament, and the restoration of the Legislative Independence of Ireland," and that the amount be forwarded to the Treasurers of the Political Union of Ireland monthly, to be by them allocated to the purposes before mentioned, under the direction of the Finance Committee. 9th.-That Treasurers be appointed to the National Rent. 10th. That each person subscribing one pound shall be enrolled a member of the National Political Union. I SAW THEE-TIME'S RUDE HAND HAD DIMMED THE LINES THAT BEAUTY I saw thee-Time's rude hand had dimmed the lines that beauty traced, II. We spoke-I found thee more than all ev'n Fancy e'er designed, In feelings gentle-pure in taste-in sentiment refined; And art thou like the wanderer, wrecked on his lonely isle, With none to weep when thou wouldst weep, or gladden at thy smile; IV. Oh! no-there is one faithful bosom warmly beats for thee- CONLA. |