monarchy, agitates the three kingdoms with resistance to authority, and excites the Presbyterians of Scotland, the Catholics of Ireland, the Whigs of London, and even the remnant of Cromwell's adherents, the exiled republicans, to opposition, fierce opposition! When Louis had, by dint of money, obtained the junction of Charles against the Dutch, in a most secret treaty, he immediately acquaints his enemies with this new compact, and they hasten to render it useless, by signing the peace of Nimeguen. Afterwards, when the friendship of Charles became useless, through the remonstrances of his subjects, who detested the alliance; when Charles was obliged to suspend his intercourse and abandon his friendship, Louis sought revenge in rendering his former intimate infamous, and caused to be secretly printed at Paris, a detailed account of his most guilty and private transactions; of the treaty of Dover, that polluted, but prolific, source of so many shameful bargains, and so many disgraceful engagements!

This nefarious traffic is but too fully proved by the documents published by Dalrymple, and by others in the present collection. We shall give in Louis's own words the history of the part he took in the marriage of Charles II. and his own statement of his motives on that occasion.

*

1661. "I could not doubt but that the Spaniards had been the first to infringe, in a thousand ways, the treaty of the Pyrenées; and I would have thought myself wanting in proper attention for the welfare of my realms, had I, by keeping it more scrupulously than themselves, allowed them the liberty of conquering Portugal; for they would then have attacked me with their united force, regardless of the tranquillity of Europe, to oblige me to restore what I had acquired by that treaty. The clauses by which I was prevented from assisting that yet tottering power, were so extraordinary, and so numerous, that it was evidently never expected that I would execute them;" and I thought myself bound no farther by them, than to afford assistance to that country only in eases of necessity, with reserve, and moderation, which might be done the easier through the medium and under the name of the King of England, if

We learn by a letter from Pelisson, that the King complained of six and twenty articles of that treaty being left unfulfilled, but he quotes none of these infractious, which proves that they were but slight.

he was once brother-in-law to the King of Portugal.

"I accordingly neglected nothing to bring about that marriage; and, as money is in general very powerful in that court, as English ministers had been often suspected of being in the pay of Spain, and as chancellor Hyde, a very able man for managing the interior affairs of that kingdom, seemed to have a great influence over the King, I opened a very secret negociation with him, unknown. even to my ambassador in England. I sent over to him a very clever man,† under pretence of purchasing lead for my buildings, and I gave him a credit of 500,000 livres, (about 40,000l. sterling, from the value of silver in that time) which he offered to that minister, in return for his friendship only. But that chancellor refused my offers; and in so doing he had the greater merit, as he owned to my envoy, that he was himself favourable to that marriage, as being advantageous to the King his master, to whom he afterwards privately introduced him.

"The Spaniards, on the other hand, were proposing to the King of England the Princess of Parma, with a portion equal to that of an Infanta of Spain; and when I had effected the rejection of this proposition, they offered him the daughter of the Prince of Orange, with the same advantages; regardless of their boasted zeal for the faith, and not considering, that to give a protestant queen to that country, was depriving the catholics of the only consolation, and the only support, they could expect.

But I managed things in such a way, that this proposition was rejected like the first; and even accelerated the conclusion of what I had wished for, with Portugal, and its Infanta."

In order to connect two transactions of great importance between Louis XIV. and Charles II. we shall here insert the particulars of the sale of Dunkirk, although of the year following, 1662. We have never seen it so fully detailed; and Cromwell's first negociations for the acquisition of that place seem to have been utterly unknown to political writers. This extract may, at the same time, serve as a specimen of the style and composition of this famous monarch.

if once more brought into power.

"Cromwell, from his genius, from the circumstances and misfortunes of his country, had imbibed notions far above his birth. At first a subaltern officer in the rebellious army of the Parliament, then a general, and afterwards Protector of the Commonwealth, secretly wishing for the title of King while he openly refused it in public; elevated by those successes which had crowned all his enterprises, he deemed nothing, however great, above his pretensions, either in his island or out of it. The multiplicity of his affairs at home, did not prevent him from considering the troubles of my kingdom as a favourable opportunity for obtaining a footing in France, by means of some considerable establishment, which would be to his advantage, whether the kingly power was finally settled in his person, and in his posterity, or whether the caprices of the people, and of fortune, which had raised him so high, should in return occasion his downfall. He knew in what manner almost all the governors of towns treated Cardinal Mazarin: and that there was hardly any other fidelity among my subjects, than what was purchased by money, or by marks of honour according to the price each individual set upon himself. He sent the colonel of his guards to Count D'Estrades, governor of Dunkirk, to induce him to take into his consideration the present state of things; and, to avail himself of it for his own advantage, he offered him as high as two millions (of livres) to be paid either in Amsterdam, or in Venice, if he would deliver him the town; promising, at the same time, never to make peace with France without obtaining for him whatever dignities and employments he might expect. He added, that the affairs of the Cardinal his benefactor, who had given him that command, were irretrievably lost; that there was no likelihood that this minister could ever by his own forces reassume the ministry, or even return into the country, as a price had been set on his head: that he could not alone afford him effectual assistance, however he might retain possession of Dunkirk, but that he would share in his downfall. That if, however, he was determined to carry to extremes his affection and his gratitude towards him, he should seize this occasion of serving him, by making use of, perhaps, the only way his good fortune had still reserved for him that he might at all events, on condition of surrendering Dunkirk to the English, offer the two millions to the Cardinal, with such assistance in troops, as would be nece sary to establish him in France; that he would thus highly recommend himself to the mini

:

The conduct of D'Estrades was highly praise-worthy; for, after compelling this envoy to make his propositions before a council of war, and afterwards to sign them, he sent him back to Cromwell with his answer: he complained in it, of having been thought capable of such a breach of trust, as that of surrendering the town upon any orders but mine; that all he could do, was to propose to myself the condition of the two millions, with a close alliance between the two countries, by which the Protector should bind himself to attack the Spaniards by sea and by land; to furnish me with 10,000 foot, and 2,000 horse, to assist me in making war against them in Flanders; to keep thrity men of war on the coast, during the six summer months, and fifteen in winter, to cruize at sea; and to act together according to the plan which might be jointly agreed upon.

Cromwell accepted these proposititons, which were immediately sent to me by D'Estrades, at Poictiers, where I then was: I received them two days only, after the return of Cardinal Mazarin. This minister considered them as being very advantageous for his maxim was, to provide, at any rate, for present exigencies; well convinced that the remedy to future evils would be found in futurity itself.

But the keeper of the seals, Chateauneuf, whom the troubles had caused to be reinstated, prevailed in the council, with the Queen my mother, and procured the absolute rejection of these terms. Cromwell, on that very day he received this answer, signed a treaty with the Spaniards, and furnished them with 10,000 men, and 25 men of war, for the siege of Dunkirk and Gravelines; which were, in consequence, taken from me the same year; one at the end of May, the other on the 22d of September, but both were retained by the Spaniards.

My authority being however strengthened in the country, and factions which had been long fomented, being dissipated, the Spaniards were a short time after hardly able to resist the efforts of my arms in Flanders. Cromwell, who had joined them only for that particular enterprise, and who ever since had greatly risen in Europe, both in power and in consideration, saw his friendship courted at the same time by them and by me. They saw in him their last and only resource, to retrieve their affairs in Flanders; and I considered him as the only possible obstacle to the progress of mine; at a time when the conquest of the whole of these provinces appeared to me almost certain, unless I obtained my own terms of peace. Cromwell, who had never lost sight of his plan to obtain a considerable post on this side of the sea, was still unwilling to support either party

but on that condition; he was at the same time proposing to the Spaniards, to join them in the war, and to take Calais, provided it should be delivered to him, which proposal they were ready to accept with pleasure; and offering to me on the same terms to besiege Dunkirk, but when taken to keep it in his own hands.

Cardinal Mazarin, who was no stranger to this proposal, and who had formerly approved of it, when Dunkirk was in the hands of the French, was of course, strongly inclined to it now; and though I was at first averse, I at last gave up the point; not only because I greatly valued his advice, but also from the essential advantage I saw in it for the war in Flanders; and from the imperious necessity of choosing the smaller of two evils. And, indeed, since the English were to obtain footing in France, there was no great difficulty in determining whether it was preferable to have them as friends, or as foes; and to run the risk of losing Calais, part of my possessions, or to promise them Dunkirk, which did not belong to me.

It was then, in virtue of this agreement, that after having retaken Dunkirk, I delivered it to the English, and it is not to be doubted, but that their alliance with me was the last blow, which prevented Spain from being able to defend herself; and which cured a peace so glorious, and so advantageous

for me.

pro

I own however, that the detention of the town in the hands of the English, gave me a good deal of uneasiness. I thought, that the catholic religion was interested in the circumstance; I recollected, that they were the ancient and inveterate foes of France, which had been saved from them only by a miracle. That their first establishment in Normandy, had cost us a hundred years of war, and the second in Guienne three hundred; during all which time, war was always waging in the centre, and at the expense of the kingdom, to such a degree, that we thought ourselves happy, when we could make peace, and send the English home with large sums of money for the damage they had committed; and this they had been brought to consider as a fixed revenue, or a settled tribute. I knew very well that times were changed; but I knew also that they might change again; and I was hurt at the very idea, that my most remote successors might reproach me one day with having been the cause of such great evils, should they ever be exposed to them. Without extending conjectures so far into futurity, I knew what enormous sums the town of Calais, the last they had possessed, had cost France, by the wasteful incursions of the garrison, and by the facility it had afforded to descents. I knew, that this post, or any other in the kingdom, in their hands, would

always be a ready asylum for the rebellious; would afford that nation the means of establishing intelligences in the whole country: and particularly among those naturally connected with them, by the common interest of religion.

In giving up Dunkirk, I did not perhaps purchase too dearly the advantages I reaped from the peace of the Pyrenees; but, that once obtained, it is certain I could not make too great sacrifices to recover that town. On this I was, indeed, already determined; but it did not then appear an easy undertaking.

However, as the first step towards any en: terprise is, to think it possible; so early as the year 1661, when I again sent D'Estrades to England, I gave him a most express charge, carefully to study whatever might conduce to this purpose, and to make it his main busi

ness.

The King of England, recently re-established on his throne, was in the greatest want of money to maintain himself. I knew by the state of his revenue, and of his expenditure, that there was an irremediable deficiency of two or three millions of livres yearly; for the essential defect in the constitution of that monarchy, is, that the Prince cannot raise extraordinary supplies without Parliament; nor can he keep his Parliament assembled, without greatly lessening his authority, as the example of the last King had abundantly proved.

Hyde, the Chancellor, had always been sufficiently well disposed towards France: at this time he felt his credit with the King daily lessening, though it was not yet perceived he saw in the kingdom a powerful cabal, hostile to him; which reduced him the more to the necessity of seeking friends and protectors in foreign courts: from all these considerations combined, he was inclined to oblige me, whenever my interests and those of the King his master could coincide.

D'Estrades, in execution of my orders, and dexterously availing himself of the free and familiar access he always had to the Prince, easily introduced the subject of Dunkirk in their private conversations. The King, who then used to say that he intended making it his chief military establishment, 'willingly discoursed with him on that subject, as to a man who might give him useful information, he having been a long time governor of that

town.

As to D'Estrades, he used to approve every thing proposed, remarking only some inconveniencies in the situation; and above all, the vast sums necessary to expend in garrisoning that town, and keeping it in repair; insomuch, that Cardinal Mazarin, who knew it from experience, had often doubted whe ther it were advantageous for France to possess Dunkirk, had it been possible. The King answered to this, that he might very

easily get rid of that expense, whenever he pleased, as the Spaniards were actually offering him large sums if he would part with it. D'Estrades always advised him to accept their offers; till, at last, the King, more urgently pressed for money than we supposed, said, of his own accord, that if he was to sell it, he had rather deal with us than with them.

Thus began that negociation, which gave me infinite satisfaction; and though his demands amounted to five millions of livres, a sum, no doubt, considerable, and which was to be paid in a very short time, I did not think proper to give him time to cool on the subject, as the improving situation of my finances enabled me to make even greater sacrifices for so important an object. We, however, finally agreed on four millions, payable in three years, for the town and stores, guns, stones, bricks and wood. I even gained 500,000 livres on this bargain, without the English knowing any thing about it: for, as they could not suppose from the bad state in which my finances had been so lately, that I could pay them such a large sum, immediately as they wanted it, they eagerly accepted a proposition made to them by a banker, to pay it in ready money, on their allowing 500,000 livres discount. This banker was in fact a man whom I played off for the purpose, and who, paying with my money, received no profit by the transaction."

The importance of this acquisition kept me in a continual state of uneasiness, till every thing was finally settled, and not without good grounds; for this affair, which had been very secret at first, having gradually transpired, the city of London, which got information of it, sent to the King a deputation of its principal magistrates, the mayor and aldermen, to offer him whatever sum of money he wanted, on condition of his retaining Dunkirk. Of two messengers, whom D'Estrades had dispatched by different ways, with two copies of the treaty, for my ratification, one was stopped on his passage to Calais, by orders of the King of England; the other had already arrived in France, by way of Dieppe. D'Estrades in the mean time represented to the King, that the question was not now simply whether I should have Dunkirk, but whether he should break off with me for ever, by not keeping his word. So that whatever deference he was obliged to shew to the wishes of his subjects, he at last brought them to suffer what they had determined to oppose, by representing it to them as a thing already concluded, and past remedy.

In a future number we shall see this mighty monarch, the terrific meteor of his day, under other and equally interesting characters.

Svensk Zoologi eller Svenska Djurens Historia med illuminerade Figurer. Swedish Zoology, or the natural History of Sweden, with coloured engravings.

THIS is a periodical work begun this year. It is published every three months at Stockholm, and is intended to comprise the whole of animated nature, from the Elk to the insect, including also birds and fishes, and whatever is native in Sweden; with coloured plates, by Captain J. W. Palmstruck, Knight of the Order of the Sword. The descriptions are by C. Quensel*, M D. professor in chemistry and natural history at the Royal Academy of Cadets in Stockholm, &c. &c.

Each number, price one rixdollar, con tains animals of different classes; but they are printed separately, and may afterwards be arranged in whatever order the purchaser pleases, when formed into volumes. Of worms and insects, such only are intended to be given as are necessary to be known, either from their importance in economy, and medicine, or from their suitability to convey general ideas of the science. Six numbers make a volume; and at the close of every second volume will be found two indexes, one systematic, the other alphabetic.

According to Linnæus's Fauna Svecica, there are found in Sweden 2206 animals: of these 53 are such as give suck to their young-mammalia: 221 birds; 26 amphibia (from which are now deducted 11 as belonging to the class of fishes): 77 fishes; 1691 insects, and .98 worms. Among these classes, that of insects is most considerably augmented since the time of Linnæus, and that of amphibia the least.

Dr. Quensel, after the proper name of the animal, places the Latin and Swedish names: then the Finnish, French, German, and English, if it have a name in those languages; then follow the leading and general classical characteristics of the animal, with references to different authors; lastly a more immediate and special description.

The work opens with the noblest animal of Sweden-the Elk; which for its

*We are extremely sorry to report the death of this truly learned man, of whom his country is deprived at an early period lite-about thirty-four or thirty-five,"

size, beautiful horns, majestic attitude, swiftness, and gentleness, surpasses all the rest. By way of specimen, we shall translate some parts of this description; others we shall rather abstract than translate. We presume, nevertheless, that it is the most complete and authentic account of this animal in our language: we are obliged for it to a highly respected friend of our work, to whom the Swedish language is native.

ELG-HJORT.

Cervus. Alces. Elg.-In Finnish, Hirvi.-In French, Elan. Orignal.-In English, Elk, Moose-Deer.-In German, Elen, Ellend.

The male only has horns; those of a fullgrown subject are flat and broad, inclining more to the sides of the neck than rising upwards; a very broad palm forms the chief body of the horn, and spreads from a very short cylindrical basis; the extremities divided into fingers, or digitated; beneath the throat descends a protuberance or knob, soft, and wholly covered with very long hairs. The female has neither horns nor knob.

The elk is, when full grown, commonly six feet two inches high, measured at the shoulders, not including a rising hump in this part, which is covered with hair six or seven inches long, forming a mane. Measured at the loins, he is only six feet high. The neck is one foot eleven inches long; the head two feet six inches. We have, however, met with elks as high as eight feet; and the weight of one of this size is not less than 1229 pounds. Pennant says, that he had seen a pair of elkhorns 32 inches in length, and weighing 56 lbs. The hump of the female is much lower, and she has a shorter and lighter mane. She is lower, shorter, thicker, and weaker; and has neither horns, nor throat-protuberance. This knob in the male begins to swell after three or four months, and may then be felt, like a bean, under the anterior part of the throat, at the basis of the lower jaw. This swelling increases with age, and is an clongation of the skin in this part, between four and five inches in length, of a conic shape; it decreases in old elks. The colour of the animal is a brownish dark grey on his upper parts, lighter underneath. We may further observe, that the hairs are ash-grey, but their tips are dark brown; the tail, which is about two inches long, is dark above, but white underneath. The age of the animal, and the season of the year, produce some difference in his general colour and appearance. The young ones are of a lighter brown. The better food the animal can procure, the sooner he sheds his coat, which generally happens in February or March. A caif born in May, sheds his coat for the first

The

time in August, and this seldom occupies eight days. The head of the elk is large; the upper lip hangs two or three inches before the lower; it presents a considerable breadth, and terminates suddenly almost, as if square: it is partially cloven, has sometimes a square white spot on it, and is capable of being elevated by its own strong muscles, particularly when the animal is intent on eating herbs that grow low on the ground. On his nose he has number of hairs two inches long, not unlike the whiskers of some animals Both the upper and the lower jaw has six grinding teeth: those in the lower jaw are sharp and pointed, but those in the upper jaw are even and flat. tongue is soft and tender; the nostrils are wide, five or six inches apart; and as the olfactory nerves are also very large, it might be supposed that the sense of smell should be extremely acute; but sportsmen assure us, that the elk rather discovers the approach of an enemy by the excellence of his hearing, and by a quick sight, rather than by his scent. The sound he utters is lamenting; in very young ones it resembles the cry of young puppies; in those of a year old it may be compared to the squeaking of those small wooden trumpets which amuse children, yet it may be heard at the distance of a mile and a half. The eyes are small, separated nine or ten inches; they are dark, and have a black iris. The ears, which are sometimes one foot or more in length, hang down on the sides of the neck: over the eyes is a little hollow or pit, as in a horse, but smaller. The horns vary, according to the age of the animal, as well as to their own age: strong and well-fed elks lose them in January, the weaker shed them later. In four or five months new horns shoot out, and are complete in September. The hairy skin or velvet with which they are covered, is rubbed off by the animal in August, against some tree. In the young ones, immediately after the ninth month, small hairy swellings shew themselves, which grow to the length of five or six inches, and become short horns in August; after the first year they may be a foot long, but generally they are as yet undivided, and cylindrical; in the third year they spread into branches, and afterwards, yearly, become more and more flat, and the points or protuberances on the extremities increase in number and magnitude, till at the age of six years they have attained their full size and shape. Young elks have a white tuft of long hair on the inner side of the leg at the knee. The hind leg has its chief motion in the hip, or at the upper end of the thigh-bone, as the knee-joint is not very free or pliable.

In Europe, the elk is at present found between the 53d and 64th degree of North latitude; in Asia, between 45 and 61°; and in America, from 44° to 53°. In Sweden,