[Arbeiter Zeitung (Conservative Socialist

Daily), December 28, 1919]

English and French condottieri in Russia. To this task was added,

WESTWARD, the star of revolution takes its way. The overthrow of Tsarism in Poland and Volhynia made possible the Russian revolution. The overthrow of German imperialism in France and Macedonia cleared the road for revolution in Central Europe. When the working people and peasants of Russia seized political power in 1917, they thought that their uprising would be followed immediately by a similar movement among the proletariat of Germany and Western Europe. But a year of untold suffering elapsed before conditions were ripe for a revolution in the Central Powers. When, finally, the working people of Germany and Austria-Hungary did actually storm the Bastile of their masters, the full energy of the Russian revolutionary proletariat was ployed in a defensive struggle against counter-revolutionary assaults from within and without. The Russian revolution succeeded by a titanic effort in repelling its domestic and alien enemies. But the land is emerging from that struggle in bitter misery; its productive forces are crippled, its economic machinery is in ruins.

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When the working people of Germany and Austria revolted in January, 1918, they likewise anticipated an immediate revolt of the proletariat in the lands to the westward, who would come to their aid and support. However, the victorious imperialism of the West surrounded Germany and German Austria with the same circle of steel which it had forged around revolutionary Russia. Therefore, the first task of a world revolution was to break the chains of the land and sea blockade, and to disperse the bands of

Peace Treaties of Versailles and Saint Germain.

Meantime, a full year passed before the proletariat of England, Italy, and America began to move. A year passed before the intoxication of victory gradually ceased to cloud the minds of the workers in these three Powers, and the idea of the class struggle could prevail over the idea of imperialism. But during this year of bitter struggle against privation, ruined industries, and crippled production, the high tide of revolution began to ebb. Like their Russian brothers, the proletariat of Germany and the Danube countries had been able to overthrow completely the rule of their old feudal lords. But they were unable to construct anything substantial to take its place.

Tragic misfortune has dogged the steps of the social revolution in Russia and Central Europe. The people of these countries seized political control just when economic conditions were at their worst.

The Russian revolution overthrew the Tsar and Kerensky in the name of Socialism. But the economic and political crisis prevailing throughout the world forced Soviet Russia to make compromises that surrendered important Socialist principles. In order to have peace, that government was forced to recognize the private title of the peasants to the land, to engage to pay its debts to foreign capitalists, and to turn over the country's mineral treasures and transportation system and factories to foreign capital.

The proletariat of Germany and German Austria were equally desirous of founding a true Socialist community. But war had destroyed the economic foundations for such a community. The wealth of these countries, accumu

lated during forty years of prosperous peace, was wasted. The machinery of production had fallen into ruin and those lands had become entirely dependent upon foreign relief. So, the working people, when they settled themselves to build a new social order, found themselves facing a desert. Their task was to build, but they had no stone and mortar.

In spite of economic obstacles the Russian proletariat has fortified its power. The bourgeoisie of Russia is still primitive and helpless; the peasantry are politically apathetic. So, the Russian working people, relying on a million red guard soldiers, control the state. The bourgeoisie of Central Europe is incomparably stronger and abler than in Russia, and the peasantry of that region have a highly developed political consciousness. During the first assault, the working classes of Germany might overwhelm the bourgeoisie, but in the course of the year the latter have rallied their forces. The crippled condition of trade and manufacturing prevented the rapid introduction of social reforms in spite of the opportunity afforded by the revolution. Consequently, the bourgeoisie have recovered their morale and again are making a bold front. They decide that the revolution must stop right here.

But world revolutions do not run their course in weeks and months. They are epochs in universal history whose period is determined by the same causes that shape that history. They require years and decades to mature. At a time when reactionaries are massacring the champions of liberty in Hungary, and are intent upon recovering power in Germany and Austria, the working classes of Western Europe and America have begun to move. Our bourgeoisie think that they stand at the side of

revolution's grave, but that mighty youth is marching ever westward.

Of course, we recognize that social transformations will assume a different guise in western countries from the one they take in Central Europe and Russia. In Germany and Russia, the workers were held down by feudal masters. The revolution had to crush these feudal masters. It, consequently, took on a violent form. In western countries, the presence of democratic institutions permits the working people gradually to develop political consciousness and authority. The form which revolution assumes in such countries is evolutionary. To be sure, the power of class is ranged against the power of class in the West also, but democracy mitigates the violence of the struggle. The revolution that has just occurred in England is quite as profound as the one in Russia. The class struggle that has flared up in America is no less vigorous than in Germany. But social conflicts in the countries of the West are fought out silently and in the depths, and do not betray their symptoms on the surface.

The social transformation that is occurring in England gave evidence of itself at the Congress of the Labor party, the English workingmen's party, in June of last year. That party asserted that our social ills could not be remedied by partial measures, but that that society must be reconstructed from the foundation. Therefore, it demanded democratic control of industry, starting with the immediate socialization of railways, mines, and electric power. The Labor party said the word. The giant army of workingmen began to move. First of all, the English working people, even during the last year of the war, began to appoint shop stewards and advisory committees and to establish a shop council system. In addition, they or

ganized in the systematic way typical of English working people, a campaign for nationalizing industry. In the middle of December an extra session of the Trade Union Congress was held in London. The leader of the miners, J. J. Thomas, said: 'If the case of the miners is based upon democratic and constitutional arguments of public interest, the necessary conclusion is that our only proper course will be to convince the public of the justice of our case. In doing this, we must not overlook the political side of our movement, which may be as powerful an instrument for attaining our ends as direct action. It will not be as expensive and as difficult to gain our objects by our ballots as by strikes.'

Lloyd George has now attempted, in his great Manchester speech, to rally the capitalist bourgeoisie against the working people. The Labor party is opposing the power of the English proletariat to the power of the bourgeoisie. It is demanding that the industries of the country be organized as a great national undertaking. It proposes to employ its physical power as an element in industry to acquire control of industry. It proposes to nationalize the mines; but it will not stop there. A conviction that the individualist system of capitalism broke down during the war has impressed itself upon the consciousness of the working classes. Social revolution in England has commenced. The land is in a ferment. Next February the people again cast their ballots and we expect the working class to become the dominant influence in the government.

In America, likewise, the class struggle is assuming new and critical aspects. There, too, the workers demand the socialization of railways and coal mines and great industries. Hitherto they have stood aloof from political struggles. They are now re

solved to participate as a class in the coming presidential election. A few weeks ago a political labor party was founded in Chicago, which proposes to put its own candidate in the field. Even the conservative trade unions, led by Gompers, are entering the election, for the first time in their history, with a political and social programme that demands a labor code for the protection of the working people and the democratic control of industry.

So, while our bourgeoisie are waiting impatiently for the return of the good old days, the aspect of society throughout the world changes with every passing moment. While the bourgeoisie fancy themselves accompanying the revolution to its grave, the latter rises in full vigor to the West. Just as employers imagine that they have stopped the movement toward socialization here, a gigantic struggle is starting in England and America to socialize the vast industries of those countries. While our middle classes are protesting against an eight-hour day, English and American employers are being forced to grant a seven-hour and a sixhour day. While our people are talking of repealing the reforms of the revolution, the working class of England is pressing forward to new and more radical measures. Quite true, indeed, the high tide of the social struggle in Central Europe is ebbing, but it is still rising, more powerful than ever, farther toward the sunset. Out of the sea came the dawn of the proletarian revolution; its full noon-tide now moves toward the western zenith.

[Journal de Genève (Liberal Democratic Daily), January 5, 1920] HOLLAND'S WAR LOSSES

EVERYONE knows that the prosperity of Holland depends entirely upon free access to the sea. Naturally,

ocean commerce by the belligerent countries during the war and the armistice have caused heavy losses to Holland and have prostrated its international, colonial, and internal commerce.

In 1913 the net tonnage entering and departing from Dutch ports was 36,229,000. In 1918 it had declined to 3,363,000. In 1913 the number of persons employed in the Dutch merchant marine registered at Amsterdam and Rotterdam exceeded 50,000. In 1918 it was less than 1800. Naturally, therefore, there are many unemployed.

This enforced idleness extends beyond the people normally engaged on shipboard, whom we have just mentioned. It extends to the employees of warehouses and wharves and shipyards and dealers in ships' supplies. It affects also the clerks and agents and brokers and thousands of other commercial employees, whose labor was directly or indirectly associated with that of their seagoing colleagues.

Added to this prostration of the merchant marine are other direct losses due to war measures. Many cargoes shipped at a time when no regulations existed to prevent their reaching their destination, never arrived because sudden measures to prevent this were put into effect while they were in transit.

Vessels after being loaded were held in port indefinitely and often forced to relinquish their trip and to sell their cargoes at a loss. Finally, commerce between Holland and its own colonies gradually declined and at last it ceased entirely. The colonial wares from its own possessions offered for sale in Holland were valued in 1913 at approximately $16,000,000. In 1917 their value had declined to less than $1,200,000. It seems probable that the war has ruined permanently the Dutch

products.

Naturally, the cessation of this trade affected the public revenues. The customs duties declined from $6,800,000 in 1913 to $3,600,000 five years later.

The industries created by the war were, naturally, of a temporary and precarious character. In many cases they incurred losses that wiped out all their profits. Some navigation companies earned tremendous sums for a time; but though occasionally profits have been large, the merchant marine as a whole has declined through the loss of vessels destroyed or seized in the course of hostilities.

Holland's losses in other directions have also been serious. Take the single instance of the capital that disappeared in Russia - citizens of Holland owned Russian bonds to the value of well toward $400,000,000; Dutch private investments in Russian enterprises amounted to more than $60,000,000. All this capital has practically vanished. vanished. One of the best authorities, Professor Treub, former Minister of Finance, estimates Holland's total losses in Russia at $600,000,000.

Holland had very extensive investments in Germany before the war. Indeed, stocks and bonds in German and Austro-German enterprises were favorite investments. The losses in Hungary alone are exceedingly heavy.

Moreover, Germany was heavily indebted to Holland merchants who see their bills shrink to a fraction of their former value by the fall of exchange during the period when payments were postponed. The authority we have just quoted estimates that the total losses of Holland through the depreciation of credits and investments in Germany and Austro-Hungary totals $300,000,000.

[Neue Zürcher Zeitung (Liberal Daily), December 30, 1919] ALSACE-LORRAINE IN RE

CONSTRUCTION

RECENTLY, the Strassburg Neue Zeitung concluded its account of the first session of the provincial Parliament with these words: 'An end now to these celebrations and festivities. The permanent happiness and welfare of our people depend entirely upon systematic productive labor.'

The provinces have already wasted too much time with these displays of national sentiment, and the heavy tasks of the political transition period and reconstruction rest with increasing heaviness upon them. A year ago, when a political era, in which the people of Alsace-Lorraine-as they now confidentially admit — had enjoyed great material prosperity, came to an abrupt end, they congratulated themselves on their good fortune at being able to step immediately into a new political era under the banners of a victorious power. Yes, the people of Alsace-Lorraine were very lucky. During German rule their wealth had multiplied; and when Germany's star waned they were welcomed under another favorable constellation. But history does not sell its favors so cheaply. Alsace-Lorraine soon discovered that it must pay a heavy fee for changing its allegiance and that where the sun shines brightest the shadows are also darkest. The people thought they had escaped high prices, privation, coal scarcity, curtailed transportation, declining credit, and falling exchange. However, they meet these familiar evils, somewhat mitigated, it is true, under the new government.

In addition, the country has its own peculiar hardships. First of all, the railway service has gone completely

to pieces. Complaint after complaint is heard of this. "The thing must stop. Our excellent railway system cannot be allowed to go headlong to ruin.' But it is not these surface inconveniences that are causing the most alarm to thoughtful people. They now ponder the future of the industries that have hitherto depended upon German management and technical skill. The most prosperous establishments in the country were under German control and direction. When they were confiscated their output rapidly declined and the prosperity of the neighboring business community was, of course, affected. As a result, the protest against the way this sequestration has been carried out is becoming clamorBut this does not remedy the evil. As the sequestrated enterprises are liquidated a new difficulty arises. French private capitalists have hastened to acquire the most tempting iron, potash, petroleum, and coal properties and the works associated with them. The people of AlsaceLorraine, traditionally attached to local interests, resent this bitterly and consider that they are being delivered over to the exploitation of French trusts and treated like a foreign colony.

ous.

Frenchmen are overrunning the country to the prejudice of local investors and native workingmen. A horde of French business agents has invaded the land, establishing new enterprises everywhere, very much as the Germans did at an earlier period. Local proprietors now see themselves obliged to take the same secondary position with regard to France that they previously were forced to take with regard to Germany. They are resisting this vigorously and are fighting the French expansion movement, which is greatly encouraged by the favor shown new comers by the