isolated and lonely positions on the Cabinet minutes, and welded into one continuous document, would afford in no sense a considered, constructive, comprehensive policy.

If one reads aright authoritative utterances, the government is disposed to resent the constantly reiterated demand for a social and industrial policy. Why it should be assumed that such a demand, or criticism of failure to accede to it, must essentially be due to political animosity or rancor is a little difficult to appreciate. Surely that is a wholly unreasonable view to take of the position. The nation came after great tribulation, both public and private, through the greatest trial of its history. It came through solely by reason of its unity, and the strength which unity begets, and under the hope of finally attaining that reconstructed social and industrial life which was promised, and by some enthusiastic and irresponsible devotees of the Coalition promised much too lavishly. A pitiless refusal often works less social detriment than an impracticable promise. At the same time, within the limits of economic practicability, improved social conditions are long overdue; in many stratifications of the community that was regarded, and is still regarded, as the only adequate recompense for the impoverishment and bereavements resulting from the war. Since the conclusion of the war that sentiment has enormously increased in force, especially among the middle classes.

Promises always are a poor substitute for policy; when unfulfilled they bring a well-recognized retribution. Over and over again, throughout the war, did that Nemesis unveil itself. Once the government indicates its object in general, perhaps in rhetorically generous phraseology, and delays to formulate its policy, other people will

soon repair that ill-advised omission. All sorts of policies will appear-doctrinaire and revolutionary as well as evolutionary, and be justified as means to remedy an admitted evil. The natural and proper reluctance of the government to express approval of or sympathy with, still less to adopt any of them, is construed in the absence of a national policy as an attempt by the government to repudiate its original intentions. There will never be wanting persons to suggest all kinds of motives.

One immediate result of there being no government social and industrial policy is that large numbers of persons are definitely withdrawing their support from the Coalition and are ranging themselves with Labor, which has a policy, be it right or wrong; which is not afraid to state it and put it up to open criticism, nor openly to meet such criticism when it is advanced, and which has among its spokesmen persons who are personally conversant with, and have made a study of, social and industrial conditions. This is the explanation of what is happening today. There is, unhappily, little critical and dispassionate examination of the policy to which the secession has taken place; enough it is that there is a policy, and, therefore, evidence of an honest intention to set about the inauguration of that new social era which the government promised and then left there.

Good reasons there may be, and no doubt are, for the government's neglect of our pressing social and industrial questions. The urgency of the international details of the Peace Treaty must necessarily have withdrawn not merely the attention but the attendance of Ministers from home affairs. But foreign affairs, unfortunately, do not figure largely in the mental outlook of the average man; where they do, it

is Russia, and in regard to that there is an unmistakable consensus of opinion that there has been a serious lack of government foresight and of judgment. The two home achievements of the government on the tongues of most are housing and coal. If the government itself is satisfied with them, its right to be so will form the subject of a determined challenge.

There are only two outstanding achievements of real industrial promise. The first is the scheme for considering and regulating railwaymen's wages, which for the first time recognizes the interest of the public in wage matters; the second is the new Industrial Court. As for the rest of the government's industrial programme the two bills now pending in Parliament for minimum wages and hours of work the former, in the view of most competent critics, is unworkable and valueless. Its object, which is admirable, can never be attained under the bill in its present form, the machinery of which will be a constant source of irritation and unsettlement.

What reason led to the adoption of the machinery of the Minimum Rates of Wages Commission Bill, which proved a failure in Australia, and to the rejection of the system of industrial Trade Boards under a Central Trade Board, which proved successful in Australia, will, no doubt, later form a subject for inquiry. If one dispassionately surveys the past fifteen months, it is patent to all that there has been no ordered and constructive attempt whatever to build a new social and industrial edifice, but merely an opportunist process of patching a building supported insecurely on an old and rickety foundation.

What the country most earnestly desires is a new social and industrial edifice, not raised with bricks stolen from one and labor forced from an

other, but one which, under the inspiration and leadership of an energetic government, every member of the community, fairly and justly according to his ability, will work of his best to build. The name of the government is unimportant; its political texture is a matter of indifference, its historical lineage wholly immaterial.

There is no more encouraging feature at the present moment than the readiness of the country to support any government, apart from any political ticket, which honestly and steadfastly sets before itself a definite policy of social and industrial reform of economic practicability. The country does not want to be plunged into the turmoil of a general election if that can be avoided; but only those within the government know what are the obstacles that prevent the formulation and execution of a policy to give effect to the government's earlier professions. Rumor in well-informed circles is rife. Whether a change of name and a shuffling of the cards will remove those obstacles, only those among the elect can conjecture with any approach to probability.

One thing, however, can be asserted with absolute confidence: The country regards with deep and growing concern the frittering away of that spirit of national unity and coöperation which, having carried it through the troubles of war, was hailed by the government as the irresistible flood to bear the country on to the full blessings of peace. That enough of the spirit to do so has yet survived the disintegrating influences of government indecision is obvious, if only given by the government at once a definite social and industrial policy to foster and to forward. Ideals such as those which are now happily actuating great masses of the people will not be suppressed.

It is easy to understand why a great many Germans, either for business reasons or because they are disillusioned and embittered by the misfortunes that have befallen their government and people, desire to start life again in a new country. The prevalence of this sentiment makes it more important than ever to caution those who are weary of their native land against hasty action. First of all, serious obstacles lie in the way of successful emigration, just at present. Most countries do not wish Germans, or are willing to receive only those skilled in particular trades and professions. As a rule, they do not wish any but farmers and mechanics, and those in limited numbers. Even countries that say they are glad to receive German emigrants attach many conditions to their welcome. In the second place, the low value of German money abroad is an exceedingly serious handicap. No one should contemplate leaving the country without some capital. But to-day, a few thousand marks in German paper amount to practically nothing as soon as you cross the border. They hardly pay one's passage on the steamer. example, a steerage passage from Europe to South America when converted into German money costs two thousand marks or more. As the situation is at present, the Imperial Emigration Office, which acts as an adviser to prospective emigrants, is obliged to discourage most of the applicants who come to it for counsel. Its principal

For

business just now is to dissuade Germans from embarking upon such adventures with inadequate means, and from going to countries where they will not be welcome or where they are not likely to be able to earn a living. The office is also kept busy warning intending emigrants against the swindlers who are taking advantage of the prevalent desire to get out of the country in order to deceive their victims.

This emigration swindle is not a new thing. It is as old as emigration itself. The reason we heard so little of it before the war was that only a few Germans desired to emigrate. It has become an evil for our nation, because emigration is reviving.

Let us take a brief glance at the methods of these free-booters. They generally operate a firm with a name. likely to inspire confidence, such as 'New Germania,' or, 'South American Settlers' Association.' Skillful and unscrupulous advertising brings such a firm a host of inquiries, so that the postal authorities are sometimes embarrassed in handling them. The inquirers always receive a courteous reply accompanied by printed matter portraying the land where they contemplate settling in the most glowing colors. The soil is of unexampled fertility; living conditions are ideal. There are brilliant opportunities for accumulating a fortune with a very small initial capital. The details are given with the greatest precision, accompanied by convincing statistics

and excellent illustrations. There seems no doubt as to the facts. Further inquiries result in the conditions of settlement being stipulated. A few thousand marks deposited insures title to a tract of land of a certain area. One half must be paid down in cash. The applicant makes his deposit, then he is put off for a short time under various pretexts, only to learn at last that the members of the firm have disappeared leaving no trace behind them. The number of persons swindled in this way is very large.

Another class of swindlers works so skillfully that the dishonesty of their practices is more difficult to detect. Many of these make a profession of organizing coöperative emigration societies. The thing looks perfectly fair on the surface. First of all, a circle of interested persons is formed. Lectures are given and also lessons in the language of the country to which they are to emigrate. The promoter, who is naturally the chairman, is very conservative in his statements about the country to which he desires to attract attention. Little by little, the circle enlarges. One by one the participants begin to purchase shares in the enterprise. These entitle them to an allotment in the tract of land that is to be owned in common. These shares are, of course, absolutely worthless, for the 'plantation' to which they refer does not exist. Many of these swindlers manage to keep within the law. Not only that, but they sometimes come well recommended. For instance, such a swindler in Nuremberg achieved great success in his operations because he had recommendations from the Vatican. The recommendations were genuine, the Papal approval having been obtained through some incomprehensible deception.

The operations of these unscrupu

lous swindlers are made very easy by the confiding disposition of many of the people who desire to leave Germany, and by their astonishing ignorance of geography. Scarcely one person in ten takes the trouble to verify the fantastic tales that are told him, either by looking up the facts in books or by making personal inquiries of people directly familiar with the region in which he is interested. Consequently, one of the most important duties of the Imperial Emigration Office is to protect our people from such deception, and to afford them authoritative information about other countries. No one should trust to an emigration agent, or settlement promoter, no matter how well recommended he may be, without first making direct inquiry of the government.

Besides these, there are little swindlers, who content themselves with establishing Information Offices,' from which, for a small fee, they send inquirers unreliable descriptions of countries in which they are interested, and equally misleading statements regarding steamship connections and travel costs. A firm of this kind in Innsbruck charges one hundred or one hundred and fifty marks for procuring a transit permit through Italy. The people who pay the fee are naturally unaware that the Italian military authorities readily grant such a permit without charge to any applicant.

Unscrupulous petty publishers also issue hastily compiled and worthless accounts of countries that chance to be at the moment popular with emigrants. Such books are sold in large numbers through the regular trade. Some language teachers also make a living at the expense of credulous country people who contemplated settling abroad, by promising a complete mastery of English, Spanish, or Portuguese in four weeks.

[Der Tag (Conservative Daily), December 18, 1919]

A GERMAN IN CENTRAL AMERICA

BY CAPTAIN VON KNORR

COLON, November, 1919. We have been here several days and have had an opportunity to converse with a number of the local residents. Our vessel touched in quick succession at La Guayra, in Venezuela, at the Dutch island of Curacao, at Baranquilla and Carthagena in Colombia, at Puerto Limon in Costa Rica, and finally at Colon, the eastern entrance of the Panama Canal. With our departure from each successive port the Spanish-American contingent among the passengers became larger. These people, as well as the local residents whom we met at every stopping place, showed a surprising friendliness for Germany. I could quote innumerable conversations showing this sentiment. The Catholic clergy seem to have exerted great influence in our favor. Entente atrocity tales receive little credence, except that traveled natives still talk about the terrors of the submarines. Expressions of admiration for German valor and endurance are frequently heard. The brutality of the Peace Treaty shocked the Spanish sense of knightly gallantry and fair play. However, in appraising the nature of this friendly political atmosphere as a practical asset for recovering German trade, we must not overlook the numerous business connections existing between the wealthier classes and the Allies, which counteract the hostility which other classes feel toward the Americans, and apparently particularly toward the English. Nor should we forget that the United States Government has bound these nations with financial fetters.

The Germans here are as successful in their local business relations as they are popular among the people. In spite of Entente discrimination against German goods our wares have not been displaced entirely and there is an eager desire for. them now. Machinery, musical instruments, razors, optical goods, photographic articles, and medicines are in great demand. English merchants, as I know first hand, have on several occasions approached German merchants with business proposals in order to utilize the popularity of the latter in their own trade. The German goods displaced during the war were driven out by Japanese manufactures rather than those of the United States.

Before describing the situation as I find it in the Republic of Panama and the North American Canal Zone, let me say just a word as to the Republic of Costa Rica. Puerto Limon in that republic was our last stopping place before Colon. Conditions there are typical of those prevailing in practically every Central American state.

First of all, President Tinoco broke off diplomatic relations with Germany during the war against the express wishes of the mass of the people. Notwithstanding this, he has recently been ejected from the country with the indirect help of the United States and does not enjoy Wilson's favor. The result is that Costa Rica was not represented at the Peace Conference, and will be forced to conclude a separate peace with Germany. We may feel assured that the new treaty will be quite as favorable to our country as the old one.

At present, the Americans are trying to drive our remaining business interests out of the country. The head of this movement is the American Fruit Company, a corporation employing mainly British capital. It con