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precarious prosperity; and this had no Art. III.-England under the Reigns of doubt a great immediate effect; but these Edward VI. and Mary, with the contempapers show, we think, a powerful pre- porary History of Europe, illustrated in disposing cause. There seems to have a series of Original Letters never before been not one of these haughty marshals printed. With Historical Introductions, whom he did not at every turn of his tem- and Biographical and Critical Notes. per, treat with an insolence and injustice By Patrick Fraser Tytler, Esq. 8vo. which would have offended even the most 2 vols. London, 1839. patient man, but which must have been peculiarly and almost intolerably revolt- There are two classes of antiquaries, as ing to these parvenu soldiers of fortune, widely divided from each other as we from proud, presumptuous, and peppery-ma- our antipodes. There are men who batny of whom had been his superiors all ten on the husk of antiquity, and never his equals; and who exactly in the pro- reach the kernel; but pronouncing the portion in which they were inclined to outer rind inimitable nutriment, insist updomineer over others, would be alienated on all the world not only swallowing and and exasperated by such affronts to their digesting, but delighting in this pabulum. own vanity and amour propre. Yet Buo- But there is a better sort :--these love naparte was afraid of them, or rather of ancient things, not because they are anthe army
of which they were representa- cient, or even because they are rare, but tives—he would offend individuals, but because in the contemplation of them he never ventured on any step that they they are able to detect the spirit of ages might feel as a body. He never ventur- gone by, to obtain a wider field for the ed to establish, and still less to enforce, exercise of their sympathies, to enlarge any clear idea of military subordination the sphere of their knowledge and intelamongst the marshals, and seemed rather lectual enjoyment. Of the former we pleased to see that those who obeyed him leave it to the remembrance of every would obey nobody else. But with what reader to supply examples. Regarding recollections of affronts and offences he them en masse, they are a gentlemanly, must have stored all their minds! We amiable, innocuous race; well bred, and see even in the few documents which M. well fed; intimately acquainted with the Belmas has brought to light-in so nar- cookery of the time of Edward III., but row a space, and so short a period of not neglectful of its progress under VicBuonaparte's domination, what extensive toria I.; connoisseurs of old portraits, dissatisfaction must have existed. We and of old port too; addicted to gossip see that every one in success, Soult, Mas- and green fat—and with no particular sena, Ney, Bessières, Marmont, Augereau, fault that we know of, except an utter in. Jourdan, Victor, Suchet, Dorsenne, Gou- capacity of distinguishing subjects of vion St. Cyr, were either censured or su- real importance from matters utterly tireperseded; and that those who were not some and trivial, with a pretty strong respontaneously recalled, successively ten- pugnance to anything requiring accurate dered their resignations. What would information-i. e. severe study. Your be the picture if the whole of this class of true antiquary must be a spirit 'finely transactions could be known? It is al- touched.'' He owns no kindred with the ready clear that Buonaparte literally small-eyed pedant who sees in the portreated them like dogs—he gave them fine trait only the hard lines it represents; at names-fed them-occasionally caressed whose bidding the old hall does not overthem—trained them to hunt down the flow with guests; to whose mind the game—and rewarded them with a share parchments suggest no idea beyond of the spoils ;—but he made little scruple what their dry technicalities were intendof whipping and kicking them when any- ed to convey; for whom the coin has thing went wrong;. We believe that nothing besides its workmanship or its even dogs may be disheartened by rough legend to recommend it; who can disusage—but, sure we are, that the leading cover in the parish register only names hounds of the pack of this military Nim- and dates apparent to the beadle. rod may be excused if they were not sor- The antiquary now before us is well ry at seeing him get such a fall as should known as the author of what will, when disable him from ever using the whip completed, be the only history of Scotagain.
land. Here, however, the historian has laid aside his official panoply, and reveals himself in a less formidable costume,
in his doublet and hose. His object has conclusions. Who would implicitly trust been throughout to excite interest,--to Hume in any subject involving the history awaken sympathy, and the plan which of the Christian faith-or Lingard, a most he has pursued is deserving of notice, in acute controversialist, on the subject of the first place, for its novelty.
the Reformation,-or such partial and The general historian cannot interrupt partisan writers as Brady and Tyrrel, and the flow of his narrative to enter on fre- Bacon, and Fox, and Burnet? Hence, in quent episodes, nor pause on the thresh- all these points of view, the value and inold of every incident to sketch with mi- terest of such subsidiary instruments as nuteness the respective characters and old letters, in which it is the actor and foibles of the personages who are press- not the historian who speaks: hence the ing forward and about to play their parts. importance of such collections as the CaHe is speaking of the fate of empires : a bala, the Scrinia Ceciliana, Digges' Comnation's glory, and a nation's ruin, alter- pleat Ambassador, and, more recently, nately come before him; and as he passes such works as Hardwicke, and Sadler, in slow review the events which led to and Lodge, and Ellis. We get close to that conquest or to this defeat; to the the dramatis persone, or rather we are indawnings of heavenly light upon a de- troduced behind the scenes. We collect graded people, or the decay of religion facts which had escaped research ; we from among them; to the progress of art test the narrative by witnesses who start and science, or to the expiring taste for from their graves, and are compelled to all that is great and noble; while he is tell the truth, at the expense even of cribusy in shifting the scenes of this mighty minating themselves. panorama, he neither has, nor ought to And yet, while we admit the great value have, a scrutinizing eye for the minuter of such collections, it is to be frankly details. It is not his province to de confessed that one must have a sharp-set tect the springs and workings of individ- historical stomach to read them through. ual passion, by which the phenomena he They labour under such an utter want of is considering were produced; or, unless continuity,—there are, we mean, so many they be of surpassing moment, to kindle gaps,--so much historical knowledge is at the recollection of particular acts, and pre-supposed in the reader,—there is so particular sayings: least of all can he great a want of keeping in the grouping spare a corner for the minor peculiarities of both persons and papers, --trifles are of men.
so ridiculously magnified, -impertinent, It results from this, that even in our nameless, and long-winded individuals best general historians there is a painful are so constantly elbowing the higher actindistinctness. We see Elizabeth, and ors;—the language, moreover, is so anEssex, and Burleigh; but the outline is ill- tiquated, the orthography so repulsive, defined, the colouring feeble. It is, in that if we try to read, not for consultafact, but the back of the tapestry ;-we tion, but for amusement, in nine cases out would fain get round it, fain get nearer of ten we shut the book in despair. these grand shapes; we long to hear the These objections which attach more or rustling of the Queen's ruff and satins as less forcibly to all previous collections, she dances her coranto-to follow Essex have in the present series been foreseen to her bedside-to steal after old Burleigh and provided against. We have done when he rises from the council-table, and what we never did before: we have read hies away to his garden and bowling- two volumes of ancient English letters at green. But this is not all. What we a sitting. look for in History is truth-the whole
• The present work (says Mr. Tytler) hias been truth, and nothing but the truth; and it divided into periods, each of them prefaced by seems now to be pretty generally admit- short historical introductions ; slight biographical ted, that able, and philosophical, and sketches are given of those illustrious statesmen graceful, as are some of our standard writ- and scholars who pass in review before us; and
occasional critical discussions are introduced, ers—Hume or Robertson for example,
where the letters were calculated to throw new still
, no talent could make up for their light on obscure or disputed passages of history, want of those materials for the expisca- or supplied important facts in the lives of eminent tion of the truth, which subsequent re- men. Lastly, it has been judged right to render search has developed, and is yet every these letters intelligible to general as well as to day developing. Authors too, it is need. antiquarian readers by abandoning the ancient less to say, have their prejudices, which mode of spelling.'—(Preface, p. vii.) warp, and colour their narrative and their The system, therefore, which has been adopted is neither history, in its highest the subject, before approaching it more sense, nor a mere collection of letters, closely. but a via media. We are not to consider We have too much respect for our the book as making any pretensions to readers to think it necessary to remind give a complete view of England under them of the march of events in England Edward and Mary ; for instance, the large during the period of time which our coland vitally important subject of religion lector passes first under review; but withis purposely—and we think unwisely-out a rapid glance at some portion of the avoided. Besides this, however, other history--let that portion be ever so inpoints of considerable pith and moment considerable—it would be difficult to have been passed over: while some again convey a just idea of what his volumes have been brought forward, and made to contain. It will be remembered, then, occupy a conspicuous place, which Hume that the death of Henry entailed upon the would have deemed it out of his province nation that heavy misfortune, an infant to touch upon. To view these volumes king; and this circumstance, at any time aright, they should be regarded as the pregnant with mischief, was rendered pargossip of a humane and charitable scholar, ticularly calamitous by the state of feeling who is quoting and explaining a series of in England, and by the ambitious spirits state-papers in the order in which they which ties of blood placed nearest to the present themselves.
Where no letters throne. The young king's uncle, at that occur, he makes few remarks, or none : time Earl of Hertford, afterwards Duke of where the letters are abundant, he has Somerset, assumed the protectorship, many things to say. One paper requires surrounded by crafty, aspiring, and rapaan introductory sketch, biographical or cious nobles, of whose number, his own historical; another provokes a few re- brother, Thomas Lord Seymour of Sudemarks on the opinions of previous writers; ley, the lord admiral, was at once the a third suggests an entertaining episode : most conspicuous and the most formidaa lack of novel materials for conducting ble. And here we may call the reader's the recital of English history leads him to attention to a piece of secret history, singlance at our continental relations; but it gularly indicative of the boldness of the is impossible for him long to examine the parties concerned in it, and affording a reports of our ambassadors without find-curious illustration of the method with ing it necessary to explain how this ne- which they played their game. When it gotiation and that treaty affected the in- is stated that the events of the three days terests of England; and thus coming back immediately succeeding Henry's demise, again to the principal and most interest- viz., from the 28th of January, on which ing subject." No character comes for- day, at two o'clock in the morning, the ward without our being told where he king died, until the 31st, when his death comes from, or whither he is going. His was first disclosed and his will read to the rank does not screen him from judgment: parliament, have ever been looked upon while, equally inefficacious in averting as one of the obscure passages in the hisfrom him censure or commendation, are tory of King Edward's reign, the value the plaudits with which preceding writers and interest of the two following letters have encumbered him, and the disparag- will be immediately perceived, -written ing remarks with which he has been in- during that interval, and by the principal advertently or designedly blackened.
person in the kingdom. Mr. Tytler has considered the period which his work embraces as susceptible • The Earl of Hertford to Sir William Paget. of division into three parts. The first
• This morning, between one and two, I received comprises the interval between the death your letter. The first part thereof I like very well; of Henry VIII. and the fall of Somerset consultation, and that it might be well considered
marry, that the will should be opened till a further (1547 to 1549): the second is from the how much thereof were necessary to be published ; deposition of Somerset to the death of for divers respects I think it not convenient to satEdward VI. (1549 to 1553): and the third isfy the world. In the meantime, I think it sufi. treats of Queen Mary's reign. Each of cient, when ye publish the king's death, in the pla.
ces and time as ye have appointed, to have the will these sections is preceded by a brief es presently with you, and to show that this is the will, say, which, giving a preliminary sketch naming unto them severally who be executors that of foreign and domestic history, places the king did specially trust, and who be councillors ; the reader on a pinnacle, as it were, and shall be declared unto them on Wednesday in the
the contents at the breaking up thereof, as before, enables him to take a bird's-eye view of morning, at the parliament house ; and in the
mean time we to meet and agree therein, as there | lish history, and throw light on what may be justly may be no controversy hereafter. For the rest of called the salient points in the policy of Hertford your appointments, for the keeping of the tower, and his party-their proceedings in the interval beand the king's person, it shall be well done ye be tween the king's death and its being communicated not too hasty therein; and so I bid you heartily to parliament. It has been observed by Sir James farewell. Mackintosh that in our time, the delay of three days before taking any formal steps relating to the demise of the sovereign would be censured as a daring presumption; but neither this writer, nor any of our historians who had before, or who have since treated of this reign, were aware how far more daring was the conduct of Hertford and his associates than the mere concealment of Henry's death. Their leader had the will in his private keeping. This is proved by the emphatic postscript, "I have sent you the key of the will." And the fact increases the suspicion which hangs over this extraordinary document. They opened it before the king or the parliament were made acquainted with the king's death; they held a consultation what portions of this deed were proper to be communicated to the Edward VI., at the moment of his father's death, great council of the nation. Hertford himself was at Hertford, not Hatfield, as has been errone- deemed some parts of it not expedient to be divulgously stated. Immediately after the event, his un.ed; and when parliament and the nation yet believ cle, the Earl of Hertford, and Sir Anthony Brown, ed Henry to be alive, the measures which were to hastened to this place, from whence they conveyed be adopted under the new reign were already sethe young king privately to Enfield, and there they cretly agreed on by a faction to whom no resistance first declared to him and the Lady Elizabeth the could be made. It is worthy of remark also, that death of Henry, their father. Both of them heard Hertford, although still bearing no higher rank than the intelligence with tears. "Never," says Hay-one of the executors of the late king, is consulted ward, "was sorrow more sweetly set forth, their by them as their superior, and already assumes the faces seeming rather to beautify their sorrow than tone and authority of Protector; another proof that their sorrow to cloud the beauty of their faces."' all had been privately arranged amongst them.'— vol. i. pp. 15-19.
From Hertford, the 29th of January, (1546–7), between three and four in the morning.
"Your assured loving friend, E. HERTFORD.' 'I have sent you the key of the will.' The endorsation is
To my right loving friend, Sir William Paget, one of the King's Majestie's two Principal Secre
'Haste! Post haste! Haste with all diligence. For thy life! For thy life!
Mr. Tytler observes,-
The following letter is of the next day (30th January):—
To the Council.
Your lordships shall understand that I, the Earl of Hertford, have received your letter concerning a pardon to be granted in such form as in the schedule ye have sent, and that ye desire to know our
For answer thereunto, ye shall understand we be in some doubt whether our power be sufficient to answer unto the king's majesty that now is, when it shall please him to call us to account for the same. And in case we have authority so to do it, in our opinions the time will serve much better at the coronation than at this present. For if it should be now granted, his highness can show no such gratuity unto his subjects when the time is most proper for the same; and his father, who we doubt not to be in heaven, having no need thereof, shall take the praise and thank from him that hath more need thereof than he.
On the very threshold of this work, so many great names arrest us and demand attention--so many pleasing biographical notices introduce this private letter, and that official despatch--that we cannot think of passing on to any thing else till we have selected another specimen both of the author's manner and of his materials; and the following remarks, for their good sense and right feeling, as well as for the historical value of the document which they precede, seem as deserving of insertion as any :
There are some points in English history, or rather in English feeling upon English history, which have become part of the national belief; they may have been hastily or superficially assumed mat--they may be proved, by as good evidence as the case admits of, to be erroneous; but they are fondly clung to screwed and dovetailed into the mind of the people-and to attack them is a historical heresy. It is with these musings that I approach her who is so generally execrated as the "bloody Mary." The idea of exciting a feeling in her favour will appear chimerical, perhaps a blameable one; yet, having examined the point with some care, let me say, for myself, that I believe her to have been naturally rather an amiable person. Indeed, till she was thirty-nine, the time of her marriage with Philip, nothing can be said against her, unless we agree to detest her because she remained faithful to the Ro. man Catholic church; nor can there, think, be any doubt that she has been treated by Fox, Strype, Carte, and other Protestant writers, with injustice. The few unpublished letters of hers which I have
Our commentator says:Short as are these two letters, they furnish us met with are simple, unaffected, and kind-hearted; with some important facts, which are new to Eng-forming, in this respect, a remarkable contrast to
'We do very well like your device for the ter; marry, we would wish it to be done when the time serveth most proper for the same.
We intend the king's majesty shall be a-horseback to-morrow by xi of the clock, so that by iii we trust his grace shall be at the Tower. So, if ye have not already advertised my Lady Anne of Cleves of the king's death, it shall be well done yea send some express person for the same.
And so, with our right hearty commendations, we bid you farewell.
From Enwild (Enfield) this Sunday night, at
xi of the clock.
'Your good Lordship's assured loving friends, E. HERTFORD.
" ANTHONY BRowne.'
those of Elizabeth, which are often inflated, obscure, This good Nan,' the gossip of the
These observations apply, however, more to Mary the princess than Mary the queen. After her marriage with Philip, we can trace a gradual change in her feelings and public conduct. Her devoted attachment to Philip, and the cold neglect with which he treated her, could not fail to tell upon a kind and ardent heart; blighted hope and unrequited affection will change the best dispositions; and she, whose youthful years had undoubtedly given a good promise, became disgusted with the world, suspicious, gloomy, and resentful. The
subsequent cruelties of her reign were deplorable; yet it is but fair to ascribe much of them rather to her ministers than to herself; she believed it to be a point of her religion to submit her judgment to the spiritual dictation of Pole, Gardiner, and Bonner; and they burnt men upon principle. This was a miserable mistake-bigotry in its worst sense; but we can imagine it existing in a mind rather dis. torted and misled, than callously cruel. No one ever accused Cranmer of cruelty; yet he insisted on burning Joan of Kent. These remarks, the reader who wishes to judge for himself, should fol. low up by studying Sir Frederick Madden's minute and interesting memoir of Mary, prefixed to the volume of her privy purse expenses. The following letter from her when princess, addressed to the Duchess of Somerset, her "good Nan," exhibits her in an amiable light, interceding for two poor servants who were formerly attached to the household of her mother, and who had fallen into poverty :To My Lady of Somerset. 'My good Gossip,-After my very hearty commendations to you, with like desire to hear of the amendment and increase of your good health, these shall be to put you in remembrance of mine old suit concerning Richard Wood, who was my mother's servant when you were one of her Grace's maids; and, as you know by his supplication, hath sustained great loss, almost to his utter undoing, without any recompense for the same hitherto; which forced me to trouble you with this suit before this time, whereof (I thank you) I had a very good answer; desiring you now to renew the same matter to my lord your husband, for I consider that it is in manner impossible for him to remember all such matters, having
such a heap of business as he hath.
Wherefore, I heartily require you to go forward in this suit till you have brought it to an honest end, for the poor man is not able to lye long in the city.
And thus, my good Nan, I trouble you both with myself and all mine, thanking you with all my heart for your earnest gentleness towards me in all my suits hitherto, reckoning myself out of doubt of the continuance of the same. Wherefore, once
again I must trouble you with my poor George Brickhouse, who was an officer of my brother's wardrobe of the beds, from the time of the king my father's coronation; whose only desire it is to be one of the knights of Windsor, if all the rooms be not filled, and, if they be, to have the next reversion; in the obtaining whereof, in mine opinion, you shall do a charitable deed, as knoweth Almighty God, who send you good health, and us shortly to meet to his pleasure.
From St. John's, this Sunday at afternoon, being the 24th of April,
Your loving friend during my life, -vol. i. p. 48.
On the second period (1549 to 1553) we must not enter. It embraces the triumph of the lofty and towering Warwick, soon after Duke of Northumberland, over the Protector Somerset-the trials and deaths of both these great men--and the character of the young king, which comes out more harsh and cold, and levelling, than we look for. It may be a matter of question, from a few glimpses we get in these letters, whether the early death of Edward did not save the Church of England from some severe blows; but we have no room for extracts, and must be contented with pointing out these new materials to the future historian of the period. One passage in a letter of Sir Richard Morysine contains a graphic portrait of Charles V. (vol. ii. p. 135). The emperor sitting at his ease without a carpet or anything else upon it, saving his cloak, his brush, his spectacles, and his tooth-pick:' the courtesy with which he received Edward's letter, putting his hand to his bonnet and uncovering the upper part of his head:' the impediment in his speech, 'his nether lip being in two places broken out, and he forced to keep a green leaf within his mouth at his tongue's end:' we are pleased with these minute touches when connected with so 'He hath a face,' says Mogreat a man. hid affecrysine, unwont to disclose any tion of his heart, as any face that ever I met with in all my life; his eyes only do betray as much as can be picked out of him. He maketh me oft think of Solomon's saying, a king's heart is unsearchable: there is in him almost nothing that speaks beside his tongue.'
The third and last section embracing, as it does, the whole of Mary's reign, is perThis, however, is to be attributed solely haps the least satisfactory of the three. to its shortness: for it discloses many curious documents; of which by no means