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the least important are the letters of Si- / of cruelty which render the whole story mon Renard, Charles V.'s ambassador at revolting: Mr. Tytler publishes the orithe English court. We obtain from it a ginal report of the commissioners, defew hints relative to Elizabeth's connection scribing their interview with Elizabeth, with Wyatt's conspiracy; and referring and entering into full details of their conthe reader to the papers themselves, for duct: from which it is proved that Fox's particulars, shall content ourselves with narrative is completely erroneous. Antranscribing Mr. Tytler's brief summary, other source of misapprehension, which which seems to embody the substance of has led some of our historians into error all that has hitherto been disclosed on respecting Mary's feelings towards her that obscure point of history.

sister, is also here pointed out (vol. ii. p.

429). Her responsibilities are heavy • Th se letters of Renard tell their own story, and fol ow each other at such brief intervals that enough, without needing that any un.

founded calumnies should be laid to her any comment is unnecessary. If I do not overrate them, they add many new and important charge. facts to the history of this period, on which No. Ther

were two rare qualities united ailles' despatches have hitherto been the great in Queen Mary's character; she was de. authority; a slight glance at them will convince termined in council, resolute and bold in the critical reader how differently the same facts action : but when she had accomplished appear in Noailles' pages and in Renard's narrative. Both ambassadors undoubtedly had their

purpose,

Mr. Tytler thinks, bias, the one for, the other against, Mary; and, as mild as was consistent with her per: between the two, we are likely to arrive at some sonal safety. The letters of Renard show, thing like the truth. As to one point, Elizabeth's that Courtenay, Earl of Devon, was deep; connection with Wyatt's plot, I confess, Renard's ly implicated in Wyatt's rebellion, and letters leave on my mind little doubt of her know in the eye of the law he was worthy of ledge of the designs of the conspirators in her favour. That she directly encouraged them there death ; yet Mary not only pardoned him, is no direct proof; and, if Wyatt wrote to her, but treated him with much kindness, and and the Lord Russell delivered his letter, she sent him to travel for his improvement(vol. could not help it. It may be said, concealment ii. p. 471). Mr. Tytler gives a touching was equivalent to indirect encouragement; but letter addressed to the Earl by his mother we can imagine her shrinking from becoming an (p. 473), and another more curious, but informer, and yet disapproving of the enterprise.' less interesting, from the Earl to the vol. ij. p. 421.

Queen herself (p. 474). More illustraQueen Mary's knight (Sir Frederick tions of Mary's merciful disposition might Madden) is more chivalric than her es- be quoted. quire (our author); for the former main- One of her most unpopular acts was tains that personal beauty was superadded her match with the Spanish Prince; and to all her other good qualities,-a cause we extract a description of Mary's bein which the latter refuses to do battle; haviour with reference to her approachbut the esquire's opinion is sustained by ing marriage, as given in one of the someall the authentic portraits, of which one what lengthy despatches of Renard to is engraved for his second volume - Philip's imperial father :though we wish he had rather obtained the use of that which was taken by the

On the following Tuesday at three o'clock, French from the Madrid Gallery, and the Earl of Pembroke and the admiral came to which is now in Lord Ashburton's pos, in a chamber where was the blessed Host, the

bring us to the Queen and her Council ; here, session. One document now disinterred ratifications of her Majesty and his Highness were contains a refutation of the commonly re- delivered, and the oaths taken by both the one ceived opinion of her severity towards party and the other ; but, before this, the Queen her sister, at the time of Wyatt's rebel- fell on her knees, and called God to witness that lion. A narrative in Fox has furnished this marriage was not in her the result of any all our historians, from Strype to Turner, bition, or any motive except the good of her

carnal affection ; that it did not originate in amwith materials for an invective against kingdom, and the repose and tranquillity of her Mary. That writer states, that on the subjects; that in truth, her single intention in all day after the rising, the Queen sent three she did, was to prove faithful to the marriage and of her council to Ashridge with a troop oath which she had already made to the crown; of horse, to bring the Lady Elizabeth to expressing this with so much grace, that those

Afcourt, ' quick or dead ;' and he has em ter this, her Majesty, as she had already done, bellished his account of the journey, and dropped upon her knees, and requested us to join of the mode in which the messengers per- our prayers with hers, that God would be pleased formed their errand, with sundry touches to give her his grace to fulfil the treaty to which she had sworn, and that he would make the mar- / got up for him a handsome descent from William riage fortunate. Upon which, the Count Eg- Šitsilt, an intimate friend of William Rufus, in the mont presented to her the ring which your Ma. year 1091 ; which pedigree (with reverency be it jesty has sent, and which she showed to all the spoken) is said to be drawn by Camden ; yet so company (and assuredly, Sire, the jewel is a pre- much doubt hangs over the effusions of Rouge cious one, and well worth looking at). After Dragons and Clarencieux's, when working for this we took our leave, first inquiring whether prime ministers, that, till the proofs are produced, her Majesty had any commands for his High.

who stood round were in tears.

we may be allowed to hesitate.'-vol. i. p. 71, ness; to whom she begged to send her most affectionate regards, begging us to assure him

We
may

indeed. But Mr. Tytler that for her part, as long as she lived, she would should here have mentioned Cecil's by all dutiful obedience endeavour to vie with mother, Jane Hickington, the daughter him in mutual love and good offices; she added and heiress of a Lincolnshire gentleman, that, as his Highness had not yet written to her, William Hickington, of Bourne. It was she deferred writing to him till he began the cor. respondence.'-vol. ii. pp. 326, 328.

she who brought Burleigh, then a small

property, into the family. She lived to a We cannot find room for a description great age, to see her son prime minister, of the marriage, but must refer the reader and to keep (as her letters and other pato vol. ii. p. 430. He will also be interest- pers show,) a very strict and severe scrued with the new proof adduced by Mr. tiny over the farming and planting operaTytler of the extent to which the unhap-tions of the great Statesman, who in her py Queen indulged the delusion that she lifetime managed Burleigh for her. was about to become a mother. There There is a curious portrait of her at Hatexists in the State Paper Office an origi- field, exceeding grim and plain, but with nal letter addressed to Cardinal Pole, and an expression of strong sense.

Such signed by Philip and Mary, wherein the were Cecil's ancestors; nor does there wished-for event is mentioned as having seem to be the remotest proof that he had already occurred: God has been pleased, any claim to the genealogical honours of amongst his other benefits, to add the the house of Sitsilt ; neither do we regladding, of us with the happy delivery member, amid all the orthographical vaof a Prince' (p. 469). The anxiety of garies which his name admits of, ever Charles V. on the subject is strikingly il- having seen it blundered into Sitsilt by lustrated in a letter from Sir John Mason: any one of the family. It was alternately p. 470.—But we must restrict ourselves Cyssell, Cyssyll, Cissell

, Cecyll: and vato some one definite object.

rious persons addressing the minister, Deeply impressed with the historical contrived, by a little gratuitous exercise importance which attaches to the name of of ingenuity, to torture the sibilants into Cecil, Mr. Tytler has lost no opportunity combinations yet more uncouth and ecof directing attention to him in the course centric. He himself invariably spelt his of these two volumes, which embracing name Cecil. that portion of his life, concerning which This great man, who has illustrated a least of all is known, contain much that long and honoured posterity, may well is new about this great minister. His dispense with ancestral glories. "Still, biographers, dazzled by the lustre of his however, his progenitors can be shown to acts and high station under Elizabeth, in- have been 'respectable.' In a bitter atvariably slur over the two preceding

tack

upon him which came from abroad, reigns; contenting themselves with vague it is said his grandfather kept the best inn assertions or unsupported conjectures. at Stamford, and the writer ridicules his Let us attempt, with Mr. Tytler's help, to quartering lions in his coat, when a couple supply this defect.

Cecil was born, as of fat capons would have been more aphe himself informs us, in one of his little propriate. The greater part of this piece memorandum-books preserved in the is, no doubt, a mere lying libel; but it is British Museum, on the 13th of Septem- curious enough that in the will of David ber, 1520.

Cecil, he leaves to his son Richard, Bur.

leigh's father, all the title and interest • His grandfather,' says Mr. Tytler, David Ce. that he has or may have in the Taberd at cil, esq., was water-bailiff to Henry the Eighth, and one of the King's sergeants-at-arms. His father

Stamford.' That David, therefore, had was Richard Cecil, esq., yeoman of the wardrobe. something to do with this inn is clear: it scended from an honest and respectable, rather had a nearer connection with it ; but he From these facts we may infer that he was de- is possible that his ancestors may have than from very ancient and honourable house,” as his biographers have so often repeated, He bec could, we think, have had none but one longed, I think, to the gentry of the country. The of property. He styles himself, in his heralds, it is true, in the palmy days of Burleigh, I will, .of Stamford, in the county of Lin

a

coln, Esquire ;' and in those days Esquire infer from such a report that he gave meant something. In the British Muse-early evidence of that understanding and um are preserved many of his letters: judgment for which he became afterwards they prove that he was patronized by so remarkable. Cromwell, the able but unscrupulous min The conjecture respecting the circumister of Henry VIII., and seem the pro- stance which first swelled Cecil's sail duction of a worthy man, and of one pos- with the gales of court favour is probably sessing considerable local authority and correct. Sir John Cheeke, as tutor to importance. He evidently lived in some- the young king, must have possessed thing like affluence : but from his enume- considerable influence at court, though he ration of the effects which he bequeathed was a person of inconsiderable origin. to his wife, and to his sons Richard and Baker

says,

- Cheeke's mother sold wine David, his property seems to have con- in St. Mary's parish in Cambridge, in sisted mostly of farming stock and feath- which quality she may be met with upon er beds. He mentions no large sums of the college books.' By this marriage money; and Richard, as he inherited lit- Cecil had one son, Thomas, afterwards tle, so had he little to bestow.

Earl of Exeter; and the next point deserv. Burleigh himself, having received the ing of notice in his history has been first rudiments of education at Grantham and distinctly pointed out by Mr. Tytler ; viz., at Stamford, at the age of fourteen was that at the age of twenty-seven, ‘he mansent to St. John's College, Cambridge ; aged the whole correspondence of the where he is said to have made extraordi- Protector Somerset, probably in the ca. nary progress: his diligence being so pacity of his private secretary.' (vol. i. p. great, that, according to the story pre-73.) This was in 1547, at which time we served by one of the gentlemen of his may begin to regard Sir William Cecil in household, he hired the bell-ringer to the light of a public man--though the call him up at foure of the clocke every statement that he was master of requests morninge ;-an anecdote which the semi- in that year is inaccurate ; he was not apnary priests afterwards turned into an as- pointed to this office till much later. sertion that he was hired as the bell-ring The period, therefore, when he entered er's boy. This over-application impaired on his public career was precisely that in. his health, and is supposed to have laid teresting epoch with which the volumes the foundation of that malady, to which, before us commence. Somerset, the lord in his old age, he became a martyr. He protector of the kingdom, at that time in had, no doubt, something of the stimulus the zenith of power, was his friend and of the grand Magister Artium.' It is patron ; Cecil accompanied the duke on recorded by a contemporary, and evi- his great Scottish expedition in 1547, at dently a partial writer, that one Medcalf, the battle of Pinkey (10th September); then master of that house (St. John's), and he narrowly escaped being killed by seeing his diligence and towardness, a cannon-shot. In the following February would often give him money to encour- (1547-8) the protector speaks of him in age him; and Cecil himself in after years such terms as seem to show that he mandeclared that his bringing up' had been aged much of his correspondence (vol. i. ' mean.'—(vol. i. p. 430.)

p. 75); and this very well agrees with an "We know from his Journal,' says Mr. Tytler, misled the biographers. Under the year

entry in Cecil's Latin diary, which has 'that, on the 6th of May, 1541, when twenty-one years of age, he came to the inns of court. His 1548, he says, Mense Septemb. cooptatus marriage to a sister of Sir John Cheeke took place sum in officium secretarii,'--meaning of in August, 1541, and this seems to me to have been private secretary to the protector.

Acthe first thing that brought him into notice ; for, cordingly, Sir Walter Mildmay and others, Cheeke being appointed tutor to Prince Edward in addressing

him in that year, style him his brother-in-law: and yet I suspect he did not ‘Secretary to my lord protector's Grace.' even then desert the law, and come to court. The Perhaps there never was a period of exact year when he did so has not yet been pointed history more trying to a statesman than out by any of his biographers, and his Journal is

that when Cecil commenced his career. silent.'-vol. i. p. 72.

It was a fiery furnace wherein pure faith The traditional account of Cecil's ob- and honesty proved fatal to their possestaining the notice of Henry VIII., by con- sors, and the baser qualities stood a man futing O'Neill's two chaplains in a Latin in better stead. He was most fortunate argument on the supremacy question, is who could most skilfully steer his barque very vague ; but true or false, it is fair to amid the conflicting currents in the great

ocean of politics; for to resign oneself to lar circumstances, most men would have the influence of any one of these, and to pursued; and the consequences of his become involved in utter ruin, were the adherence to Warwick was his promotion same thing. The recollection of Cecil's to the secretaryship on the 5th of Septemsubsequent greatness suggests some in-ber, 1550. vestigation of his conduct during this ex- In 1551, the memorable year

of Somertraordinary period : and first, -- What be- set's second and final fall, our author fel him when Somerset was hurled from again directs attention to Cecil's conduct. place and power in 1549 ? When the Edward VI. states in his journal that when Duke was deserted by his former friends the Duke sent for the Secretary Cecil to and colleagues--openly denounced as an tell him he suspected some ill, Mr. Cecil enemy by the council, who till that hour answered that if he were not guilty he had done his bidding-Cecil was one of might be of good courage; if he were, he the very few who clung to him. Cran- had nothing to say but to lament him : mer, Paget, Smith, and he, were almost whereupon the Duke sent him a letter of the only friends who remained with the defiance :' and on this reply, ‘so cold, Protector at Windsor at that memorable measured, and unkind,' Mr. Tytler promoment when the imperious Warwick ceeds to pass some severe comments: was summoning him to withdraw him. but let us look a little into this. Surely, self from the king's majesty, disperse the before we condemn him for having turned force which he had levied, and be content his back upon his friend and first patron to be ordered according to justice and in the hour of adversity, it is necessary to reason.' Of these, Cranmer and Paget examine scrupulously on what the charge proved false to him, but Smith and Cecil' rests: now the only evidence is the young shared his imprisonment. Mense No. king's journal, and there cannot be a vembris, A° 3° E. 6, fui in Turre,' says doubt, I think,' says Mr. Tytler himself, Cecil: a statement which has puzzled Mr. 'that the narrative of Edward was the Tytler (vol. i. pp. 245 and 274), but we story told him by Northumberland (vol. think without reason. The Duke and ii. p. 60). It is proper to remember that Smith were committed to the Tower on Cecil was now a man of considerable the 13th of October: how then says our personal standing--that he had to make author, did it happen that Cecil did not his choice between two ambitious follow them thither till the following chiefs--that it is quite possible he sinmonth ? We reply, first, that Cecil's cerely disapproved of Somerset's, and having been in the Tower in November is approved, as far as he then underno proof that he was not sent there in stood them, of Northumberland's views October; and secondly, that, as Mr.' --and, finally, that much would depend Tytler has himself remarked (vol. i. p. on the language and manner which he 76), Cecil's diary is evidently the work communicated with Somerset on the of a later period of his life ; and therefore occasion; as to which we have no eviits minutest statements are not to be re. dence at all. In October, 1551, he was lied on.

The inconvencies attending a knighted; and Pickering wrote from residence in the Tower during the nipping Paris, congratulating him on having been month of November probably made the found undefiled with the Duke's folly.' strong impression upon his memory. Northumberland and he lived apparently

Mr. Tytler has shown that Cecil obtain- on terms of great intimacy and friendship, ed his liberty 25th January, 1549-50 (vol. as Mr. Tytler shows from a curious let. i. p. 274). The fact is interesting ; but ter in which the Duke assures him that still more interesting and extraordinary he will not fail to visit his father, in his is the fact that, on his release, he possess. progress through Lincolnshire, were it ed the regard not only of Somerset but only 'to drink a cup of wine with him at the also of Warwick. That he should have door; for I will not trouble no friend's been obliged to sacrifice the Duke's house of mine otherwise in this journey, friendship in order to obtain a share of says the magnificent Northumberland, the Earl's confidence seems only natural ; my train is so great, and will be, whether but Mr. Tytler appears to think that he I will or not (vol. ii. p. 111). "It must did not then do so (vol. i. pp. 276-7). have gratified old Richard Cecil,' obWarwick must have been deeply impress-' serves Mr. Tytler, to see the boy who ed with Cecil's merit and value: Cecil, had left his roof with no such bright who was now twenty-nine, pursued the prospects, return to it secretary of state, path which it is probable that, under simi. and friend and confidant of the first man

ces.

in the realm. But had he known the under consideration (pp. 191 to 206), cares and dangers of the office, he would where an extraordinary paper is published have hesitated to change his own cloth of in illustration of Cecil's conduct. It is frieze for his son's cloth of gold.' Cecil entitled ' A brief Nole of my submission seems to have deeply felt the restraint to and of my Doings,' and was presented by which Northumberland's imperious tem. himself to the Queen. He endeavours to per subjected him. In a remarkable en- exculpate himself on the grounds,,1st, try in his private diary, he describes of his having acted on compulsion--'Í himself as having no will of his own un- did refuse to subscribe the book, when der Edward, and as only recovering the none of the council did refuse; in what rights of a free agent by the death of the peril I refer it to be considered by them young king, Libertatem adeptus sum, who knew the duke;' 2dly, of his having morte Regis ; et ex misero aulico factus participated, to the least possible extent, liber et mei juris.'

in the treasonable practices of NorthumWe must find room for another'extract. berland, or rather of his having secretly • Cecil's desertion of Somerset, and his devoted. acted against him, e. g. “I dissembled the ness to Northumberland, brought him to the brink taking of my horse, and the rising of Linof a precipice. The moment of trial was now colnshire and Northamptonshire, and come, and it is curious to trace him under it; yet avowed the pardonable lie where it was let us do it with every allowance. The times were dreadful, and, in the vocabulary of statesmen, to suspected to my danger.' lose your place and to lose your head were then al. All this seems rather shabby ; but he most convertible terms. On his first suspicion of was pardoned, though he lost all his plathe desperate game which Northumberland was

It is not wonderful that he should playing, Cecil appears to have adopted an expedient not uncommon in those days with councillors who seem to have taken little part in public wished to get rid of a dangerous question. He be. affairs during Mary's reign ; though we came very sick, and absented himself from court. strongly suspect not so much because he This, at least, is Strype's conjecture, and there is could not have acquired a larger share of every reason to believe it correct

. Many of his influence and authority, as because he did friends, however, thought him really ill, and amongst these, Lord Audley, who loved and studi. not choose to contend for any. But while ed the healing art, undertook his cure, as appears he shunned all public business, he continby the following humorous recipe and epistle.' . ued to be the private adviser of Elizabeth. • Cecil's disease was deeper fixed than to be

Write cured by soup formed from the distillation of a sow.

my

commendations in your letters pig boiled with cinnamon and raisins, or of compost to Mr. Cecil, said the Princess to Parry, of a porpin or hedge-hog stewed in red wine and her cofferer, in 1551; 'I am well assured, rosewater. It was Northumberland's plot that trou. though I send not daily to him, that he bled his digestion.'-vol. ii. p. 171.

doth not, for all that, daily forget me: It must be unnecessary to do more than say, indeed, I assure myself thereof.' (vol. remind the reader of the daring scheme i. p. 426.) He foresaw that, provided of the last-named ambitious peer to divert Queen Mary died without issue, a few the succession into his own family, and short years, could he but be successful of the reluctance of the council to com- in surmounting them in safety, would reply with his wishes. Cecil was as loth as store the religion and the government of the rest to affix his signature to the king's the country to that footing on which it will, and at first was so fearful of be- was the wish of his heart to see them placoming implicated in any of Northumber- ced. When, therefore, we find him folland's proceedings, that he, as we have lowing Paget and Hastings to the court seen, absented himself from the council of the emperor for the purpose of conon the plea of sickness. This was from ducting to this country Cardinal Pole, we the 22d April to the 2nd June, 1553, at feel less inclined to believe, with Mr. which time Lord Audley prescribed his Tytler, that he "cultivated with assiduity hedgehog soup. His signature, however, the friendship of Cardinal Pole, the great in common with that of the rest of the man of the day, to whom Mary gave her council, was obtained by Northumberland, chief confidence' (vol. ii. p. 475), than to and he was thus made accessary to an suspect that Cecil absented himself as a act directly hostile to Queen Mary. measure of precaution; too happy to be

This placed him in a critical position out of the way of those trials to which all on her accession. Northumberland on Protestants (especially such as had enthe scaffold, and the Roman Catholic party joyed favour in the preceding reign) were triumphant, were appalling changes. We exposed. Cecil's name does not occur in must content ourselves with a general the instructions with which Paget and reference on this subject to the volumes Hastings were furnished (vol. ii. p. 445),

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