parent, guide, and teacher. I deem it,' | in which this generation has been reared. the great Alfred used to say, 'a king's We are evidently in great darkness at true and genuine dignity, germanam et present with respect to the whole theory genuinam dignitatem, if in the kingdom of society. If our ancestors were all of Christ, which is the Church, he con- wrong, it is certain, from the very variety sider himself not a king, but a citizen; of our modern hypotheses, that we are if he attempt not to exalt himself above not all right. And there is a depth and the priesthood, but submit himself rever- mysteriousness in the very nature of ently and meekly to the laws of Christ, political society, indeed of all society, promulgated by his ministers." And which the present day is peculiarly unfit harsh as it may sound in the present day, to comprehend. How a multitude of inand even with the certainty that men who dependent wills can be reduced to oneknow nothing of Popery but the name, how a vast body may be made subject to will confound this principle with that of a single individual, so as to be affected in its temporal usurpations, to which it all its parts by his acts, whether for evil bears no resemblance, still this ground or good-how a certain unity and personmust be taken, and the Church must put ality, and even moral responsibility, can forth her demands in full, or she must be perpetuated through a number of shiftabdicate her office. She cannot be the ing generations, as the identity of the Catholic Church, the pillar of Catholic individual man survives the loss of all truth, the appointed ambassador of God, the atoms in his body-what particular and yet in those matters especially in- office the State is appointed to fulfil in trusted to her-matters, that is, of faith the moulding of man-how it is connectand spiritual discipline-be anything but ed with the smaller circles of families, a ruler. That secular powers may have and how it first came into existence-all usurped authority over her even in these, these are questions evidently connected and that undue concessions may have with the discussion of its duties and inbeen made by her own ministers, does terests, and yet not to be thoroughly annot destroy her title. swered without more of philosophical inquiry, than can be made interesting to a very unphilosophical age. And we are not sure that, in these points, Mr. Gladstone, though expressing great truths, has not exposed himself to cavils. He has not sufficiently distinguished political from other societies, and has suffered an obscurity to rest on his view of national conscience by not minutely tracing out its formation. Perhaps the simplest mode of dealing with the question is to apply it at once to the conscience of individuals. Neither does this spiritual supremacy, maintained upon Catholic principles, encroach on the temporal supremacy of the secular power. In all but her spiritual capacity, the Church is subject to the State. She has no commission to usurp any of its functions, or to interfere with its administration, except by advice. She is amenable to its tribunals, owes obedience to its laws, recognises its authority, submits patiently to its will. Whatever secular power is given to her, she exercises as a trust from man, which man may resume. As divine she is a ruler, as human she is subject. Mr. Gladstone has declined entering into the origin of Political Society. He has contented himself with asserting that a State is a person-that it possesses a will, and agency, and a conscience-that it is responsible as a moral being-and therefore is bound to profess and promulgate religion. To have entered farther into its history would have involved him in too long an inquiry. But perhaps the whole subject of the union between Church and State will never be understood till this has been done, and a new philosophy-new to us, though old in itself-has exploded the shallow theories *Harpsfield's His. Angl. Sax. Secul. ix. c. 5. As the term Church is given both to the whole body of Christians, and peculiarly to its governing members, the clergy, so the word State expresses both the whole nation, and especially the ruling part of it. This ruling part must be composed of individuals. It may be one man, as an eastern despot, with a will paramount in all things; or it may be made up of many men, or many bodies of men, each paramount in some special department, the King in peace and war, the Parliament in finance, the Judge in the administration of justice. Or it may consist of one body of men holding all the reins in their own hands, as in a pure democracy. But in all these various constitutions, they give their votes and act upon their responsi bility, and exercise their power, as indi own viduals. And the Church addresses them | pacts do exist; and that in our first as individuals, and by the common country the recognized power of the delaws which render religion obligatory on mocracy must act as a check upon the man, they are bound to accept her offers, government. And to acknowledge these and to enroll themselves in her society, truths, even mixed up as they have been and to submit to her commands, just as with error, is the first step to disentangle private persons who possess no political our difficulties. The next is to fix cer. influence. When once enrolled as mem- tain principles which ought, under any bers of the Church, they are also under circumstances, to regulate the support positive commands from their great Head given by the State to the Church. to proclaim its faith, to extend its influence, to increase its numbers, to honour it with a filial respect, to provide for its temporal want, to assist, as far as they are permitted, in educating its children and maintaining its unity. No compact or stipulation of man can exonerate them from this duty. Nor, it would seem, is any objection made to their acting thus as private men. It is only in a political capacity that they are to tie up their own hands. There is something, it is said or supposed, in political power which renders it unfit to be employed in the service of the Church. Men have no right to use it for any other than secular purposes. First, then, none is to be offered in opposition to the system and teaching of the Church itself. A servant must not serve his master against his orders, and the governor of a state, like any private individual, is in spiritual matters the subject of the Church. Hence the criminality of political rulers, who, on their own authority, without consulting the Church, have meddled with articles of faith, altered rituals, assumed spiritual power, or infringed in any respect upon the spiritual offices and independence of the Church as established by God. Hence the still greater criminality of those political acts, which have crippled her resources, cut short or prevented the multiplication of her bishops, prohibited the extension of her system to the colonies, suspended her councils, deliberately corrupted her ministry, degraded her in the eyes of the world into a mere tool of secular government, and visited a refusal to consecrate bad men to be her bishops with the penalties of præmunire. Such have occasionally been the deeds of governments in this country, and no one can wonder that, if they were still rarer than they are, they should have raised doubts as to the expediency of political interference at all. The grounds of this assumption are various. One class would prohibit the State from interference in the support of religion, as derogatory and dangerous to the ecclesiastical polity; another, as injurious to what they call vital religion; another, as trenching on the right of man to choose his religion for himself; and another, as exceeding the true functions of civil government, whether those functions are supposed to be restricted by the constitution of society, or by an original compact, or by the existing pressure of force from without. There are, thus, no less than six distinct theories which in a But, secondly, the support of the State perfect view of the subject would require must not be such as violates any of the to be noticed, each of them involving acknowledged laws of society-no tresquestions of magnitude and difficulty. pass on legal right-no infraction of just And one chief difficulty consists in a cer- conventions-no disturbance of natural tain admixture of truth with them all. It subordinations. is true, that the interference of the State And there is another obvious limit to has at times most materially injured the State interference. There must be no ecclesiastical system; that we are suffer- futile exercise of power-no attempt to ing from it at this moment ;-true, that a convert men's minds by burning their decay of piety did, and must ever follow bodies-no waste of legislation where the abuse of Church patronage for politi- legislation is without efficacy—no rude cal purposes; true, that a compulsory efforts to proselytize, which repel and religion is no religion at all-true, that exasperate instead of winning over enethe powers of government are not unlim mies--no use of prerogative or force ited, that there are some things naturally which may end in destroying itself inbeyond its reach in all societies;-that in stead of crushing opposition. Common some, as in the case of Scotland-(not, prudence suggests this rule, as the laws as Mr. Gladstone has incautiously ex. of God and of nature involve the others; pressed himself, in India)—original com.and it is the neglect of these, a neglect cases. as common in private life as in the con- popular will? And looking to the imduct of states, not anything peculiar in possibility of resisting it long; at the the nature of political power, which has supposed impossibility of converting it; cast such suspicion upon its use, and at the harsh measures which it is thought must embarrass the application of that are implied in the support of the Church simplest of all simple principles on which against the conscience of the people, Mr. Gladstone has founded his argument. there are a number of men who are in"All power (says he) comes from God; clined to abandon the struggle and quietand therefore all power must be employ-ly submit at once. Now much would be ed in the promotion and with the sanction done towards animating them to mainof religion; and therefore the State is tain their post if they could be made to bound to support the Church." Had he see a chance of recovering the people said that all power ought to be employed themselves, and by the agency, not so in accordance with the will of God, and much of the State, as of the Church—if not merely for the promotion of religion, they could be brought to undertake this his words would have been less open to work by right means—if they were concavil, because they would evidently have vinced that nothing was required of themimplied the limitations suggested above. selves which could infringe on their civil But with both the principle and the lim- duties as legislators, or on the real rights itations admitted (and we do not see how of conscience-if their views of the reeither can be disputed), the only difficul- sponsibilities of government were elevatty will be to apply them to particular ed-above all, if their eyes were opened What money grants should be to the real claims and nature of the made by the State? or should any be Church. made? What part the sovereign may But the danger lies chiefly here. take in calling councils, sanctioning When men feel themselves compelled canons, enforcing uniformity, or the like? under pressure to recede from a ground What privileges and offices of state may of duty, they are strongly tempted to wisely be intrusted to the clergy? What look out for some middle, half way posidegree of trust, if any, reposed in men tion, which may break their fall, and estranged from the communion? And which they hope will prove more tenathus the fit answer will be given to so ble. They endeavour to compromise many of the theories above alluded to, as with their conscience for the sacrifice have been framed in order to escape from which they are making by resolving to the mere abuses of political power-on make no more after this one; and they the difficulty, not the wrongfulness of are glad to affect a belief, first, that the employing it. And to this point we shall wrong which they are doing is compulreturn hereafter. sory and necessary, and then, that what But there is another class of men who, is necessary must be right: and thus without entering into any theory, are they proceed by degrees, not merely to content with the fact, that in all popular act or to suffer under protest, but volunstates, perhaps in all alike, the religion of tarily upon principle. This has been the the government must follow the religion progress of the national conscience of the people; and that where the people for many centuries, and it deserves full are divided, as in England, religion must consideration. Mr Gladstone has traced be abandoned altogether as a matter of one portion of it, the most rapid and necessity, whether right or wrong. And most remarkable, in his sketch of the in this also there is much truth. It is History of Toleration. And we cannot true that the legislation of this country help hoping that, his powerful mind havdoes take its tone, whether for good or ing once been drawn to the subject, he for evil, from what is called public will be induced to examine it still more opinion, and the still more direct pressure minutely. Nothing could prove more of popular suffrage. It is true also that clearly the wisdom of resting, as he has a popular government cannot long main- done, the duty of maintaining the Church tain a religion which is opposed to the feelings of the nation. And if the people of this country combine to attack the Church, the King, Lords, and Commons will be compelled to abandon it. The question then rises, what resistance can, or should any, be made to the upon its Catholic and Apostolic character-an argument which to some will appear far-fetched and mystical-than to point out how this ground being once abandoned, step after step, by necessary consequences the people and the State fell together into the final adoption of the maxim of the present day, that reli- most prominent and at that time the gion is a thing in which man has no au- most pure ;-and the creed of Rome thority with man; that it rests between alone occurs next as the faith of the lethe individual and his God; and therefore the State not only cannot, but ought not, to profess or inculcate it. gislator. Still it was the Catholic creed as attested by Rome. But the witness soon became the paramount authority. How far this maxim, which in words is From the Roman Church the transition very commonly professed even among was natural to the Roman Pontiff, with men professedly religious, has establish- or without his council. From the Pope ed itself in the national conscience, it virtually, though not nominally, it passed may be wrong to pronounce. It is cer- into the hands of religious orders, whom tainly gaining ground, and is the watch- the see of Rome, that it might appear to word of all those who would exclude re lead, was compelled to follow; and they ligion from government, not as a matter fell naturally under the rule of individual of necessity, where the people are divid- teachers, seraphic and angelic doctors, ed among themselves, but as a matter of and self-created saints. And then, when right under all circumstances. When its the authority thus rashly conferred had full meaning and results are developed, been abused, and men had been accusthere are, perhaps, few minds which it tomed to look to an individual as the maswill not startle. But between this and ter of their faith, it was easy for the monthe departure from the Catholic principle arch to transfer to himself the prerogaof the Church there is an inevitable de- tive of the pope; and, as in the statutes scent: no resting-place or half-way of our own Tudor princes, the will of the house, as we are accustomed to hear. Sovereign_comes forth as the rule in reIf we are to escape from the bottom of ligion.* By Henry VIII., indeed, adherthe fall, we must, with Mr. Gladstone, ence to the Catholic Church was still place ourselves at once at the top. openly proclaimed, though rather as a This was the position occupied by the support than a check for his arbitrary cafirst Christian emperors. When they prices. But even this disappears under describe in their laws the religion which his successor. The true faith,' 'the they profess, they, in the most marked sincere and pure religion,' words which manner, use the language which Mr. every religionist would apply to his own Gladstone would restore to our own stat- creed, and which contain no external test ute-book- The Catholic faith.' The of truth whatever, nothing but the belief faith handed down by our ancestors.' of the individual, are the description of The Catholic holiness-the judgment the faith which he maintains.† And the and fixed line marked out by the Cath- supposed piety of the individual, and real olic religion.' The Catholic and Apos- truth of his opinions in general, in this as tolical teaching.' 'We will that nothing in more modern instances, disguised the be enjoined but what the gospel, and the danger of the principle. But the descent faith of the Apostles, and uncorrupted did not stop here. From the sovereign tradition has preserved.' The one Ca- the right of judgment passed naturally tholic faith.' 'That true and irreprehen- to the whole legislature; and the consible faith, which is preached by the Ca- tempt and weakness into which the tholic and Apostolic Church, and which Church had fallen, and the number of admits of no innovation.' 'The faith which statutes rendered necessary by the deeds we hold, taking our stand on and adher- of the Reformation, the legislature aping to the tradition and confession of the pears too frequently not, in some degree, holy Catholic Church.' to justify the expression of religion by Then comes a slight departure from act of parliament.' Every step thus far the right standard of truth; and Gratian was easy and natural; and even the last and Theodosius take instead the creed of was not without excuse; since the the churches of Rome and Alexandria, ment of a whole legislature might rationin which, during the influx of Arianismally be held a far stronger proof of truth and other heresies, the Catholic faith had than the will of an individual monarch; been preserved most rigidly. The de- and still the Catholic Church was kept in flection was slight, but it was fatal; and view, though thrown into the background: its course is worthy of being traced. and the connection between Protestant From singling out particular churches as the depository of Catholic truth, it was easy to confine the view to one of the agree * 32 Henry VIII., 14; 25 Henry VIII., 21. + Edward VI., c. 1. came on, to wonder that a revulsion This revulsion commenced with a revival of personal piety in Methodism, and of independent religious inquiry in Socinianism; and the growth of our manufacturing towns, creating a numerous poor population, unprovided for by the existing establishment, and a large class of active, self-confident minds, of common businesslike habits, threw open a wide field for the spread of both. In each, individual feeling, or individual reason, was made the test of truth; and the effect was much the same as that of the schoolmen and mendicant friars under the reign of popery-to claim for the individual citi. zen that right of judgment in religion which other individuals, his rulers, had claimed before, and had evidently abused, or were unfit to exercise. But the Church of England had neither the craft of monkery nor the power of the Vatican to uphold-could she have wished to uphold by such means-her apparent supremacy against these new pretensions. To resist them (such had been the suppression and decay of true church principles), she had no other resource at hand but to call up her political claims, or a zeal uninstructed in her true title to respect, and therefore misdirected and mischievous. And it must be confessed that her most active and spiritual-minded members, to whom it is impossible to refer without gratitude and admiration, did nevertheless, in the common ignorance of the day, encourage rather than check Dissent, by adopting the same wrong ap communions, the references to antiquity required by the controversy with Popery, the influence of old prejudices and institutions, and the express declarations of the Anglican Church, prevented men from supposing that either parliament or sovereign was in religion all in all. But this step was taken at last. One grand effort was made by the people in sects and bodies to assert for themselves the right, which had been claimed by the government, of pronouncing what was the true Gospel and true Church-and the Great Rebellion followed. But the innumerable divisions, blasphemies, and follies to which the struggle gave birth, soon brought it to an end, and the Church was once more established at the Restoration; and, by common confession, upon principles much sounder* and more conformable to the true Catholic theory than had prevailed for many centuries. The morals and feelings of the nation, however, had been corrupted and unsettled by the excesses of the Rebellion and the recoil from puritanism; the court was profligate; the clergy in poverty. The Church became identified with the political interests of the restored family and popery-with a French invasion and civil tyranny. Then followed the Revolution and the union with Scotland, and a still further connection of religion with the notion of a foreign pretender, of the Church with a political establishment, and of religious toleration with the maintenance of Whiggism, until the Catholic Church was degraded even from its position as a grand instrument of general government- -a position in itself, though high, yet false and danger-peals to the feelings and the reason, by ous-into that of a tool for a party-the right hand of Toryism. In this character it remained for years. And, painful as it is to disparage the generations from which we have sprung ourselves, it is impossible to look at the representations given of the clergy of that period; at the poverty of our theological literature; at the torpor of our schools and universi- At this point the pressure of Dissent ties; the cessation of great works for began to make itself felt in the House of the Church; the corruption of the fine Commons. One by one, the civil disabiarts, and particularly of ecclesiastical ar- lities which had been imposed upon dischitecture; the prostitution of endow-senters-for political not ecclesiastical ments for political purposes; and the ac-ends-were removed as those ends ceasknowledged profligacy and infidelity of ed to be answered. As restrictions for both the higher and lower classes-it is the benefit of the family on the throne impossible to look at these facts and they were no longer found necessary as punishments, they were contrary, not only to a false, but to the true theory of toleration : as safeguards for the * Fox, James II., p. 20, c. 11. p. 153; Clarendon, Rebell., b. i. p. 134, edit. 1826; Wordsworth, Eccles. Biography. looking more to personal piety than the social duties of the Church, and by distrusting or forgetting altogether the testimony and authority of Catholicity. To point out this error evinces no insensibility to their other important services to Christianity. It was the fault of the age even more than of themselves. |