struck with the bit about 'duo parvuli imperatores'—the Bouλyapokтóvos as a little Basil, like ours at Wookey1, almost equals Burgon's sermon on baby Methuselah2. But I most want you to talk to about this-I am sure I don't know whether that is grammar. Have you seen this month's Fortnightly? Perhaps you might just have seen it at Oxford. Do read-I will send it you, if you like Oscar Wilde's article on the 'Soul under Socialism,' and tell me if you know what it means. You say that I say ['I say, I say,' they say you say 'I say, I say ']' that I don't understand things, and I'm sure I don't understand a word of this. How are you to do with no government? Oscar is bigger than I; I must have some king or president or something to keep him from punching my head. They confess that E. B. Lanin is a lying name: so haply what he [they] say [s] is lies-if it be true, the Russians must be the greatest fools in the world not to rise and make a bigger revolution than ever the French did. Still 'tis no affair of ours; we are not answerable as we are for Cretans, Armenians, and Macedonians, and the object of the whole thing is plain, to throw dust in our eyes, and say, 'If the Turk is bad, the Russian is as bad.' May be; but to whom? And the Lord Mayor and the Archbishop and the Cardinal did not care a bit as long as it was only Russian, but, when they heard the blessed word JEW, then they jumped up and said, We must protest. Well, I do rejoice

1 His grandchild.

2 The late Dean Burgon preached a sermon at Chichester on the text, Gen. v. 21, 22, in which, enlarging on the blessings of marriage, he said that the words, 'and Enoch walked with God after he begat Methuselah,' clearly signified that he was a much better man after that darling little Methuselah was born to him,' than he had been before.


3 Dr. Thomas Terry, of Christ Church, Oxford, had a trick of beginning all his remarks with 'I say, I say.' Having heard that one of the young men made a mock of this habit, he complained to the Dean, who sent for the offender, and desired the doctor to state his complaint in his presence. The doctor accordingly began,' I say, I say, they say you say "I say, I say." See Anonymiana, or Ten Centuries of Observations, &c., 2nd edition, 1818, Cent. III, § xv, pp. 63, 64.

E. B. Lanin, the signature appended to some very bitter articles against Russia in the Fortnightly and other journals, supposed by some to be the production of three men, hence the 'he [they] say[s].'

in the snub the Tzar gave them. As I said aforetime, Let every nation wallop its own jews; but I can't have Fins and Bulgarians walloped; that's quite another thing.

In another letter referring to this latter subject, the public indignation in England at the expulsion of Jews from Russia, he writes:

I am fuming at all this jew humbug. It is simply got up to call off our thoughts from Armenia and Crete. If I were to say that every nation has a right to wallop its own jews I might be misunderstood, for I don't want to wallop anybody, even jews. The best thing is to kick them out altogether, like King Edward Longshanks of famous memory. But I do say that if any nation chooses to wallop its own jews 'tis no business of any other nation. Whereas if the Turk wallops Cretans and Armenians it is our business, because we have promised to make them do otherwise. And, besides, if you simply want to abuse Russia there is Bulgaria bullied and Finland threatened. What can jews matter beside either of these?


Oxford, February 15, 1891. You will be glad to hear that we have come back safe and fairly sound. I am a better creature by a good bit than when you saw me in the little room here, but I envy the new member for Northampton, of whom it was said that his admirers 'lifted him,' perhaps, literally lifted him '-'off his legs.' That is just what I want somebody to do to me: that is, if they can but let me down again on a new pair.

... As you are not here, I am trying to get Mea Bernard to come. She belongs to the same class as you, those whom I like to talk to, and who do not put one out of the way. Now all carl-bodies put one more or less out of the way, though some, as Dawkins, very little. Dawkins has been sick of a 'bronchial catarrh'; as Bishop Lewis Beaumont 1 said, it is

1 Bishop of Durham, 1318–1333, who was so illiterate that he had great difficulty in learning his part of the service before his consecration, and stumbling over a hard word exclaimed, ' By St. Louis, the man who wrote that word had no courtesy in him.'

not courteous to use such hard words; but the leeches will use them. Anyhow, he is mended now, and is going about as usual. Markham' has been here again, to the satisfaction of many. 'Twas pleasant to see him and the Commander sitting on the sofa, telling old sea-stories. One was tempted to address them as gods of the sea = ἄνδρες Τρίτωνες. You will find that story in Sicily, vol. ii.

The first and second volumes of his History of Sicily were published in 1891, and by the end of that year nearly the whole of the third volume was in the press. His interest in this work, which deepened as it went on, was a relief and consolation to him amidst discouragement and annoyance in connexion with his professional duties. I am a-weary,' he writes, in February, 1891, ' of all this professing, and I shall be glad to give it up at the first moment I can.' And again in March, 'I am thoroughly tired of this place and everything in it. It is all so disappointing and disheartening. I have tried every kind of lecture I can think of, and put my best strength into all, but nobody comes. And all the petty things that turn up are just enough to disturb one's own steady work without awakening any interest.'

The last question connected with education at the University in which he took a keen interest was the proposal, originating from the Head Masters of some of the public schools, that Greek should cease to be required as a compulsory subject for passmen in the classical Schools. It was contended that the time of boys and of young men, who had no special aptitude for scholarship, might be more profitably employed in learning some modern language, or studying some special

1 Clements Markham, Esq., C.B., F.R.S., &c.

2 M. Burrows, R.N., Chichele Professor of Modern History.

science. That such a question should be seriously entertained at all excited in Freeman nothing but indignation. and dismay1. He regarded it as a most glaring instance of the increasing tendency to sacrifice sound learning and mental training to utilitarian ends; to substitute technical and professional instruction for a liberal education, abandoning the ancient principle of the University, which had been that the first course of study should be something which had no reference to the probable future calling of any man, but something which was good for the mind of every man whatever his future calling might be. If Greek ceased to be compulsory, it meant that it should no longer be recognized as an essential part of sound learning; that it should become a voluntary study for a few who might have a special call that way. It meant that Greek at Oxford should sink to the position of Arabic. But he pleaded earnestly for the retention of compulsory Greek, not only because he believed it to be the purest and most perfect instrument of mental training, but also because it was the first of the Aryan tongues which played a part in European history. It was the tongue of the people with whom European political history began; it was the tongue of the earliest and greatest existing masterpieces of European literature, the oldest and most perfect tongue of poetry, history, and philosophy. Nor was this all. Through the Macedonian conquerors Greek became the common tongue of the East: it became the tongue of the Christian Scriptures, the distinctive tongue of Christian theology, as Latin became the distinctive tongue of

1 See article in Macmillan's Magazine, March, 1891, 'Compulsory Greek,' and in Contemporary Review, November, 1891, 'Greek in the Universities'; and compare article in Fortnightly Review, February, 1879, 'Shall we give up Greek?'

Christian law. For two-and-twenty centuries the speech of Athens lived on as the all but unchanged written speech of Alexandria and Pergamos, of Thessalonica and Constantinople. And that tongue still abides as the living speech of one of the rising nations of modern Europe, the speech which breathes in the song of joy that goes up from liberated Larissa, and in the cry of wailing that goes up from twice betrayed Joânnina.'

But another reason for retaining the study of Greek alongside with the study of Latin was, that they both belonged to the Aryan stock of languages in common with the other languages of Western Europe, excepting only Basque and Maltese. And none of these modern languages could be thoroughly learned without some knowledge of their elder brethren. It might be possible indeed to acquire such a knowledge of French as would suffice for the purposes of the graceful diplomatist, or of the humbler commercial clerk, without knowing a word of Latin. But for a scholarly knowledge of languages, the only knowledge of languages that a University ought to recognize, French implied Latin, and Latin implied French. It was a very imperfect knowledge of Latin which did not carry on the Latin tongue to its later stages. It was no knowledge at all of French or of any Romance language, which did not trace out the steps by which the later stage, which we call French, arose out of the earlier stage which we call Latin.

'Greek and German, Greek and English, Latin and English, have not the same kind of connexion as exists between Latin and the Romance languages. But they have the connexion which exists between kindred tongues, and no one of them is taught as it should be unless that connexion is insisted on from the beginning.' The con

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