To All Whom it May Concern: The Conspiracy of Leading Men of the Republican Party to Destroy the American Union Proved by Their Words and Acts Antecedent and Subsequent to the Rebellion
J. Walter & Company, 1864 - 35 sider
This 1864 volume offers an attack on Lincoln and the Republican Party by a Democratic opponent.
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To All Whom it May Concern : the Conspiracy of Leading Men of the Republican ...
Thomas Jefferson Miles
Ingen forhåndsvisning tilgjengelig - 2017
To All Whom It May Concern: The Conspiracy of Leading Men of the Republican ...
Thomas Jefferson Miles
Ingen forhåndsvisning tilgjengelig - 2015
Abolition addressed Administration adopted Amendments American army authority base become believe better blessings blood Capital cause charge citizen civil claim clause condition Congress Constitution declares Convention delegates deliberately delivered Democrats despotism doctrine election enemy England equal exist fact freedom Garrison give Government Governor hands heart held hold hope hour House human important inaugural Judge labor land language liberty Lincoln Massachusetts meaning Michigan military mind natural never nominated North object officers Ohio organized pass peace period person political portion possession present preserve President principles protection provision question reason recorded remain Representatives Republic Republican party resolutions sacred Senate sentiments Seward slave slavery South Southern sovereign speak speech spirit stand suspended thing tion Union United utterance violated vote Washington whole witnesses writes written York
Side 8 - It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking, in a free country, should inspire caution in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding, in the exercise of the powers of one department, to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism.
Side 8 - And let us reflect that having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered, we have yet gained little if we countenance a political intolerance as despotic, as wicked, and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions.
Side 8 - A just estimate of that love of power and proneness to abuse it which predominates in the human heart is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position.
Side 7 - The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the constitution which at any time exists till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people is sacredly obligatory upon all.
Side 8 - Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political; peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none; the support of the State governments in all their rights, as the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks against antirepublican tendencies...
Side 22 - I am no orator, as Brutus is, But, as you know me all, a plain blunt man That love my friend, and that they know full well That gave me public leave to speak of him. For I have neither wit, nor words, nor worth, Action, nor utterance, nor the power of speech To stir men's blood. I only speak right on...
Side 16 - Nay : we hold, with Jefferson, to the inalienable right of communities to alter or abolish forms of government that have become oppressive or injurious ; and, if the Cotton States shall decide that they can do better out of the Union than in it, we insist on letting them go in peace.
Side 7 - Constitution which we now present, is the result of a spirit of amity and of that mutual deference and concession which the peculiarity of our political situation rendered indispensable.
Side 16 - We hope never to live in a republic, whereof one section is pinned to the residue by bayonets.