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He came to Rome when quite young, and devoted himself to rhetoric and philosophy. In his political course he had only reached the quaestorship when he was involved in the ruin of Julia, daughter of Germanicus, and banished to Corsica (41 A.D.). After eight years' exile he was recalled by Agrip. pina, appointed to the praetorship, and entrusted with the education of the young Nero. His position gave him great political influence. He was consul in 58 A.D., and together with Burrus, praefect of the praetorian cohorts, was mainly responsible for the rule of the early part of Nero's reign. In resisting the attempts of Agrippina to secure for herself the real power in the empire, he no doubt acted like a statesman, but when Poppaea appeared upon the scene the atmosphere of intrigue rendered a straightforward policy impossible, and Seneca, if he did not approve beforehand, at least excused the murder of Agrippina to the senate, after the deed was done. Nero, however, tired of his influence, and coveted his wealth, and the suspicion of being concerned in the conspiracy of Piso (65 A.D.) was fatal to him as to so many others.

2-3. Λυσιτανῶν στρατηγός. His title was legatus Augusti propractore provinciae Lusitaniae. For orparnyds instead of avriorρárnyos see on cap. 4. Conf. on Tac. Ann. xiii. 46, and Suet. Oth. 3, "Provinciam administravit quaestorius per

decem annos, moderatione atque abstinentia singulari."

Lusitania was an imperial province, and as a rule praetorian rank was a necessary qualification for its legatus. It was possible, though very rare, for exceptions to be made in matters of this kind. Thus we find (Tac. Hist. i. 53) that Caecina was made legate of a legion, while still only "quaestorius," although this was another praetorian appointment.

3. éπl ròv 'Nkeavóv. Lusitania had an Atlantic sea-board extending from Cape St. Vincent to the River Douro.

3-4. παρέσχεν ἑαυτὸν οὐκ ἄχαριν, κ.τ.λ. Conf. Tac. Hist. i. 13, "comiter administrata provincia," and Ann. xiii. 46, "ubi usque ad civilia arma non ex priore infamia sed integre sancteque egit, procax otii et potestatis temperantior"; also Suet. loc. cit.

5. φυγῆς ὑποκόρισμα, a specious name for banishment. Conf. Plut. ToλITIKа wαρаŸŸéλμara, 807 D, where Solon's σεισάχθεια is defined as ὑποκόρισμα χρεῶν ἀποκοπῆς. So Tacitus says, specie legationis," and Suetonius, " per causam legationis."

жаρаkáλνμμа Conf. Plut. vit. Pericl. 4.

6-7. πρῶτος ... προσεχώρησε. Conf. Tac. Hist. i. 13, “primus in partes transgressus," and Suet. Oth. 4.

9. Karakójai, "for the mint."

mocoupéve vópiopa, as he was causing money to be coined.' One of the first steps taken by a new emperor was to issue his own coinage. Thus the two Gordians in Africa, Aemilianus in Illyricum, and several others of the so-called Thirty Tyrants in the third century, all had their coins struck, though none of them reigned longer than a month or two. It is noticeable that a very large number of Galba's coins were struck in Spain. See Cohen, Vol. I, on which account some historians have been led to believe that Galbe must have prepared his plans for a pronunciamento some time before Nero's death.

9-10. τῶν οἰκετῶν ἐδωρήσατο, κ.τ.λ. Tacitus says of him that he was "inter praesentes splendidissimus."

12. Sɩdovs weîpav, 'after actual experience.' Conf. Thuc. i. 138, " γίγνεται παρ' αὐτῷ μέγας ... διά τε την προϋπάρχουσας ἀξίωσιν ... μάλιστα δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ πεῖραν διδοὺς συνετὸς φαίνεσθαι.

13. Kal BadilovTL, K.T.A., and on his journey throughout the whole route he continued for many days together to ride in the same carriage.'

15. 'Ev dè Tŷ ouvodía, K.7.A., in the course of their ass0ciation and intercourse by the way.'

16. ¿edepáπevoev, 'he won over.' Conf. Plut. vit. Solon, 31. 17. τῶν πρωτείων ὑφιέμενος αὐτῷ, ‘by giving up to him the first place.'

17-18. τό γε μετ' ἐκεῖνον δύνασθαι, κ.τ.λ., “he gainel, thanks to his help, secure possession of at any rate the second place in power.'

18-19. Τῷ δὲ ἀνεπιφθόνῳ περιῆν. But he had an ar vantage over him, in that he provoked no jealousy.'

19. πρоîka ovμяpáттwv, whereas Vinius is described as himself & λαμβάνων πάντα καὶ πιπράσκων.”

Tois Scoμévois, 'applicants for favours.' Conf. what Suetonius says of him (Oth. 4), "nullo officii aut ambitionis in quemquam genere omisso," and "Cuidam etiam de parte finium cum vicino litiganti, adhibitus arbiter; totum agrum redemit, emancipavitque: ut iam vix ullus esset, qui nou sentiret et praedicaret solum successionis imperii dignum."

21. τοῖς στρατιωτικοῖς συνελάμβανε, Suet. " nec eo minus alium alia via militum demerebatur," and Tac. Hist. i. 23, "studia militum iam pridem spe successionis aut parata facinoris adfectaverat, in itinere, in agmine, in stationibus

vetustissimum quemque militum nomine vocans ac memoria Neroniani comitatus contubernales appellando; alios agnoscere, quosdam requirere et pecunia aut gratia iuvare."

ovveláμßave, 'assisted.' Conf. Hdt. vi. 125, “’A\xμalwv ὁ Μεγακλέος τοῖσιν ἐκ Σαρδίων Λυδοῖσι ... συνελάμβανε προθύμως.”

23-24. τὰ δὲ τὸν Οὐίνιον, κ.τ.λ. In all cases military advancement came from the emperor himself, but under a lax system the emperor's favourites might act almost independently, though still in his name.

24. "Ikeλov. See on cap. 7, and conf. Tac. Hist. i. 7, “venalia cuncta, praepotentes liberti," etc.

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25. Ασιατικόν. This is probably an inaccuracy on Plutarch's part. Asiaticus was a slave of Vitellius. His disgraceful history is told by Suetonius, Vitell. 12. Vitellius, after several alternations of fondness and cruelty, finally manumitted Asiaticus when he was appointed governor Lower Germany. When he was made emperor postulante exercitu ut libertum suum Asiaticum equestri dignitate donaret, inhonestam adulationem compescit: dein mobilitate ingenii, quod palam abnuerat, inter secreta convivii largitur honoravitque Asiaticum anulis, foedum mancipium et malis artibus ambitiosum," and ii. 95, "libertus Vitelli Asiaticus Polyclitos Patrobios et vetera odiorum nomina aequabat." Probably Plutarch inserted the name of Asiaticus here by mistake for that of Cornelius Laco, since we know from Tac. Hist. i. 13 and Suet. Galb. 14, that Vinius, Laco, and Icelus divided the real power between them, and where the different reigns followed one another so quickly it was easy to confuse the reigning favourite. Conf. Tac. (loc. cit.) Fabios, Icelos, Asiaticos."

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"inter Vinios,

26. Οσάκις δὲ τὸν Γάλβαν εἱστία, κ.τ.λ. Tacitus gives the same account in almost the same words, but he represents Otho as having acted indirectly through the agency, of Maevius Pudens. Conf. Tac. Hist. i. 24, Flagrantibus iam militum animis velut faces addiderat Maevius Pudens, e proximis Tigellini. Is mobilissimum quemque ingenio aut ciendo eo paulatim progressus est ut per speciem convivii, pecuniae indigum et in novas cupiditates praecipitem adliquotiens Galba apud Othonem epularetur, cohorti excubias

agenti viritim centenos nummos divideret.'

37. τὴν παραφυλάττουσαν ἀεὶ σπεῖραν = 'cohortem ex cubias agentem.' One cohort was always on guard at the palace. Conf. Tac. Ann. xii. 69, quae more militiae excubiis adest," and see note on cap. 2. egreditur ad cohortem

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excipa is always the equivalent on Inscriptions for cobora See also Acts of the Aposties, 10. 1, “éxarora & STEE τῆς καλουμένης Ιταλικής."

Séxale, he bribed' Sexález, like derriert, seems mean to divide into companies lit of 19, for purposes of bribery. (Conf. Cic. pro Dest. 15, "cam vita bildes conscriberentur, decuriarentur."

27-28. Xouroiv éxásty Slavéluv. The aureus was egtonalent to 25 denarii or drachmae and 100 sesterces dee

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εἴκοσι δραχμάς δυνάμενον κατά το επιχώριο αντικείμε Suetonius in telling the story (0th, 41 says, “aureos erzsbanti cohorti viritim dividebat," Le the "conteDOS BISLILOS of Tacitus.

28. ois Tīpâv aúròv édóke, «7.), 'by which means be was to all appearance honouring the emperor, tanya rally undermining his power and seducing the loyalty of the troops. i.e. to all outward appearance Otho was giving a laroms merely to honour the emperor ("velat pabucam largosen Tac. loc. cit.), though the troops understood it perfectly w as a bribe. Tacitus adds that he increased this already excessive 'sportula,' "secretioribus apod singulos praemia, adeo animosus corruptor ut Cocceio Proco spectavon, de parte finium cum vicino ambigenti universum va sua pecunia emptum dono dederit."

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KATAWOÀɩTEVÓμEvos. Conf. Demosth. Fale Leg. 315. λομαι τοίνυν ἐπανελθεῖν ὅν τρόπον ὑμᾶς κατεπολιτεύσατο φύλαστι προσλαβὼν τούτους τοὺς θεοῖς ἐχθρούς," and Pist της Pορ δεν

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CHAPTER XXL

2. τὸν Όθωνα παρεισῆγεν ὁ Οὐίνιος. Conf. To Hid. 1. 12. "Hi discordes et rebus minoribus sibi quisque teorienta dra consilium eligendi successoris in duas factiones sentanter. Vinius pro M. Othone, Laco atque Iceins consensu non tam unum aliquem fovebant quam alium."

3-4. ἐπὶ γάμῳ τῆς θυγατρός. Plutarch states thα και το fact. Tacitus (loc. cit.) only savs "et rumoritas mil dato transmittentium, quia Vinio vidua filia, caciela Orto, gener ac socer destinabantur." The daughter was Criesina, to whom Tigellinus made an extravagant present at a banquet See cap. 17 ad fin.

6. παῖδα τοῦ Γάλβα καὶ διάδοχον. See note on cap. 19.

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11 balaa elus ezi vakareli, Conf. Stet. Och. 2, * à prima autiescenza prodiges at procax.”

11-12 meter Las panašus šolfpari, ie 50 milion irvame a 20 alla sesterces Conf. Suet. Oth. 5, Isegi sper samt delerem etiam magnitudine aeris Lam. Neque enim dssnabas, nisi principem, se stare

Jose: que referre, au boste in ace, an in foro sub trailer bus caberes," and Tac. His i 21.

12. Iderveiben Cent Plant. Epedic. 1. 2. 16, "Malim scrusmall milli amicos farne merses quam foro"; Liv. 6. 14, mergeatas sertem usaris"; Oval, Met. i 380, "Mersis per scem recus”

19-13. derives reû Oùxiou, 'having listened to the sugressive of Viz

13. impero rijp Suiter, 'he postponed the settlement of

the matter.

Σε αποδίξεις δ' αὐτὸν ἔπατον καὶ συνάρχοντα, κ.τ.λ. Cond. The. Hist. i 11, "hie fuit rerum Romanarum status, cum Servius Galba iterum Titus Vinius consules inchoavere maum sõi altimum, rei publicae prope supremum."

15. èrDojos iv, T., was fully expected to announce his successor in the beginning of the year. Conf. Hdt. vi. 12, Ο πολλα δὲ ἐπιδος εν τω τὸ τοῦτο πείσεσθαί εἰσι.”

16 Kal rò erpatistikdy, K.7.). And the soldiery was enger that Otho should be proclaimed in preference to any ece else."-For Otho's intrigues with the soldiers, see the note on cap. W ad fin., and the passages quoted there.

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