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44-45. Tephavikov ovoua ... Td Kaloapos, k.t.l. Con Tac. Hist. i. 62, "nomine Germanici Vitellio statim addito Caesarem se appellari etiam victor prohibuit," and Suet. Vitel 8, “cognomen Germanici delatum ab universis cupide recepit Augusti distulit: Caesaris in perpetuum recusavit,” also Ta Hist. ii. 62. In the last crisis of his reign, however, "quin Caesarem se dici voluit, aspernatus antea, sed tunc supe stitione nominis, et quia in metu consilia prudentium et vul rumor iuxta audiuntur.” All the usual titles were offer by the senate, “in senatu cuncta lougis aliorum princ patibus composita statim decernuntur.” The statement th he refused the name of Caesar is confirmed by his coins ar inscriptions. Thus in the Acts of the Arval Brethren he styled merely Vitellius Germanicus Imperator ; on his earli coins A. Vitellius Imperator Germanicus, while on the lat ones Augustus is added. On a milestone in Sardinia (Wili 916), and on some Alexandrian coins, the name Caesar added, but this is probably to be explained by the fact tb these coins were stamped in the province before the nei came that he refused the title.
46-47. τους καλούς εκείνους ... εις σύγκλητον όρκους. ΤΙ is a case of close verbal similarity, clearly not accidental wi Tacitus (Hist. i. 57), “speciosis senatus populique Roma nominibus relictis.
48-40. το αυτοκράτορα ποιήσεις το προστασσόμενον. quotation from the formula of the military sacramentu which is given by Polybius, 6. 21. 2, "*H udio neto apXhoew ποιήσεις το προστασσόμενον υπό των αρχόντων κατά δύναμιν.”
3. oŮkétı Tiv clomolnou áveßaldero. Conf. Tac. Hist. i. ! “Sed Galba post nuntios Germanicae seditionis ... comi imperii transigit.
4. Tôv bilw. According to Tacitus, a council was he by Galba, to which were summoned Vinius and Laco, and a Marius Celsus and Ducenius Geminns. Hist. i. 14, "adhib super Vinium ac Laconem Mario Celso consule designato Ducenio Gemino praefecto urbis." Plutarch is, howev speaking here not so much of a fornal council, as of t general feelings of the 'amici Caesaris.
ενίους μεν υπέρ Δολοβέλλα, κ.τ.λ. Mention of Dolabella not made in connection with the adoption by Tacitus
Suetonius. Tacitus only says (Hist. i. 13), speaking of Galba's three chief advisers, "hi discordes et rebus minoribus sibi quisque tendentes circa consiliuin eligendi successoris in duas factiones scindebantur. Vinius pro M. Othone : Laco atque Icelus consensu non tam unum aliquem fovebant quam alium.' There is very little doubt, bowever, that Plutarch is perfectly correct in his statement, for we know that Dolabella, on account of his noble patrician origin, was an object of jealousy to Galba, to Otho, and to Vitellius in succession. (1) Sue. topius (Gal). 12) says that Galba sent back to their native country the “Germanorum cohortem, a Caesaribus olim ad custodiam corporis institutam ... quasi Cn. Dolabellae, iuxta cuias hortus tendebat, proniorem.' (2) Tacitus (Hist. i. 88) tells us that Otho, before setting out against Vitellius, sent away Cornelius Dolabella “in coloniam Aquinatem, neque arta custodia neque obscura, nullum ob crimen, sed vetusto uomine et propinquitate Galbae monstratus.” (3) Vitellius ordered him to be put to death, because on Otho's death he ventured back to Rome (Tac. Hist. ii. 63). Flavius Sabinus, to whom the order, as praefectus urbis, was given, at first hesitated, but the wife of L. Vitellius urged him "ne periculo principis famam clementiae adfectaret," and finally Sabinus “in alieno discrimine sibi pavens, ne adlevasse videretur, impulit ruentem." No doubt each of the three chief favourites had their supporters among the 'amici.' The majority of these naturally were in favour of Otho, the candidate of Vining (Tous dé Tlciotous vėp 'Oowvos). Laco's candidate was pro. bably Piso. Conf. Tac. Hist. i. 14, “ Pisonem Licinianum arcessi iubet, seu propria electione sive, ut quidam credi. derunt, Lacone instante.' Probably, therefore, Dolabella was the candidato of Icelus and his friends. So when Galba says (Hist. i. 15) that he has sought for a successor in the republic, non quia propinquos aut socios belli non habeam," by 'propinquos he probably refers to Dolabella ("propin. quitate Galbae," Tac. Hist. 1. 88), by 'socios belli' to Otho. 6. ápyauperiálovras, canvassing.'
Conf. the phrase comitia imperii.' 6. ων ουδέτερον εδοκίμαζεν αυτός. .
Of Dolabella we have seen from Suetonius (Galk. 12) that he was jealous : Otho he would never have made heir even to his private estates (Plut. Galb. cap. 21 supra).
undly #poety, without a word beforehand.? Plutarch evidently takes the view that it was his "electio propria." Tacitus disagrees with Platarch in a very trivial point. In. stead of under #poeltūv, he says, “pauca praefatus de sua senectute" (i. 14). The inconsistency is only a verbal one.
7-8. Πείσωνα, Κράσσου και Σκριβωνίας έκγονον. father was M. Licinius Crassus Frugi, consul in 27 A.D., whose cognomen Frugi (attested by Wilm. 854 and 17 shows that he was originally Calpurnius Piso Frugi, but adopted into the Licinian gens by M. Licinius Crass Scribonia was a grand-daughter, on the mother's side, Sextus Pompeius, i.e. her mother Pompeia was the daug! of Sextus Pompeius, and Scribonia, the daughter of L. S bonius Libo, cos. 33 B.C., who again was the brother of Scribonia who was the first wife of Augustus. Their s now adopted by Galba, had been adopted back again into Calpurnian gens, and accordingly his full name was L. ( purnius Piso Frugi Licinianus, it being the usual custom republican times for an adopted son to keep his origi nomen, modified by -anus, as a cognomen. Thus Cicer friend Ti. Pomponius Atticus became after his adopt Q. Caecilius Pomponianus Atticus. Piso was born in 39 A Little is known of his previous life, except that for so time, probably since the death of his brother Licinius Crass killed by Nero, he had been in exile (Tac. Hist. i. 48). Co also Tac. Hist. i. 14, and Suet. Galb. 17.
8. ους Νέρων ανηρήκει. They were really killed not Nero but by Claudius. Seneca, De Morte Claudi Caesa? 1), “Caius Caesar Crassi filium vetuit Magnum vocari ; (Claudius) nomen illi reddidit, caput tulit. Occidit in v domo Crassum, Magnum, Scriboniam" (i.e. father, moth and son). They had three sons beside Piso--(1) Cn. Po peius Magnus Licinianus, who was killed by Claudius, gether with his parents (Seneca, loc. cit., and Tac. Hist. i. 4 (2) M. Licinius Crassus Frugi, who was killed by No 68 A.D., on the accusation of M. Ag ilius Regulus (Plin. I i. 53, and Tac. Hist. iv. 42). Conf. Tac. Hist. i. 48, " frati eius Magnum Claudius, Crassum Nero interfecerant." (3) elder brother, Crassus Scribonianus, who survived Piso (T: Hist. i. 47), and who was afterwards tempted by Antoni Primus, "ad capessendam rem publicam” (Tac. Hist. iv. 3
8-9. veavlav év tŷ tpos tão av, K.T.M., 'a young man wh in a character naturally prone to every virtue, possessed in marked degree the qualities of self-restraint and austerity Conf. Tac. Hist. i. 14, “vultu, habituque moris antiqui aestimatione recta severus, deterius interpretantibus tristi habebatur.”
10-11. κατέβαινεν εις το στρατόπεδον. Tacitus reports speech which Gulba is supposed to have made after sendir for Piso and before going to the praetoriau camp. After t! speech (Hist. i. 17), consultatum inde pro rostris an i
senatu an in castris adoptio nuncuparetur: iri in castra placuit: honorificum id militibus fore," etc. Previous adoption into the imperial family had taken place according to the strict legal forms. Thus Augustus “Caium et Lucium adoptavit, domi per assem et libram emptos a patre Agrippa (Suet. Aur. 61), while he adopted Tiberius " in foro lege curiata" (id. ib. 65). Claudius again adopted Nero by means of a "lex cariata" (Tac. Ann. xii. 26). Galba, however, dispenses with these strict legal forms, as not binding on the princeps, and the adoption becomes a simple declaration of his intention ('nuncupatio') made in public (' in contione'). "pro contione adoptavit" (Suet. Galb. 17). The date of the adoption was Jan. 10, on which day the Arval Brethren sacrificed in honour of the event. Henz. Acta Fr. Arv. xci., "isdem consulibus IIII. idus Januarias adoptio facta L. Liciniani, magisterio Serv. Galbae imperatoris, Caesaris Augusti
, promagistro L. Salvio Othone Titiano, collegi fratrum Arvalium nomine immolatum in Capitolio ob anoptionem Serv. Sulpicii Galbae Caesaris, Iovi bovem marem, lunoni vaccam," etc. From this it appears that Piso's name after adoption was Servius Sulpicius Galba Caesar.
11. ámogelEwv Kaloapa. So Tacitus says that Piso was "quadriduo Caesar."
12. Sloomulai, signs from Zeus, and so portents. Conf. Aristoph. Acharn. 171, 1ływ o ipin ti Oloonula 'oti, kai pavis βέβληκέ μ.
13-14, τα μεν λέγειν, τα δε αναγινώσκειν. The reading of a document (åvaywuskelv) does not agree with what we know of any form of adoption, nor does it correspond with the clear account of Tacitus, Hist, i. 18, "apud frequentem militum contionem imperatoria brevitate adoptari a se Pisonem ex. emplo divi Augusti et more militari, quo vir virum legeret, pronuntiat." Hence Mommsen, with much plausibility, sug gests that Plutarch mistook the meaning of the Latin word legere,' which he translated by drazvuoketr, while his Aéyeu corresponds with the pronuntiare' of the original Latin account.
14-15. έβρόντησε και κατέστραψε, κ.τ.λ. Tae. Hist. i 18, "Quartum idus lanuarias, foedum imbribus diem, tonitrua et fulgura et caelestes minae ultra solitum turbaverant.”
17. ás markenlov elval, c.7.de 'So that it was quite clear that heaven neither sanctioned nor approved of the adoption which took place under auspices so unpropitious.'
19. τα των στρατιωτών ύπουλα και σκυθρωπά. . baviour of the soldiers was insincere and sullen. Conf. cap.
13, “ Otova kal meréwpa." So Tacitus, Hist. i. 18, ceteros maestitia ac silentium,”
20. μηδε τότε δωρεάς αυτούς δοθείσης. Notice the 1 similarity with Suet. Galb. 17, "ne tunc quidem donativ mentione facta." Conf. also Tac, loc. cit. " constat po conciliari animos quantulacumque parci senis liberalitate
20-21. Too 8t IIelowvos oi tapóvres, *.7.1. 'But th standers admired Piso's bearing, judging by his voice expression that he accepted so great a favour without e ment though not without feeling.'
22-23. ad Sex óuevov, the acceptance.'. The neuter ciple with the article is often used, and especially by Thucy and Plutarch for the abstract noun. For instances see b line 32 Conf. Tac. Hist, i. 17, “ Pisonem ferunt stati tuentibus et mox coniectis in eum omnium oculis ni turbati aut exultantis animi motum prodidisse."
24. GOTTEP aỦ Too "Odwyos étrebalvero, K.T.A. “Just as o other hand many signs were visible in the demeanour of which proved that he felt his disappointment with bitte and anger, and as he had been the first to be conside: worthy candidate for the coveted position and had come to its attainment, he considered his failure as a sign of G enmity and ill will towards himself.'
26. φέροντος = ότι έφερεν.
πρώτος αξιωθείς. . He had no doubt been talked of possible successor and adopted son, ever since he so pron joined Galba in Spain and travelled with him on buch fan terms to Rome. See above, cap. 20. Conf. Tac. Hist. i “ Interea Othonem ... multa simul exstimulabant ... in Ga ira, in Pisonem invidia."
29. Odev oude dooßos tv, 8.1.1. Tac. loc. cit. "fingeh metum, quo magis concupisceret. praegravein se Neropi í nec Lusitanian rursus et alterius exilii honorem expectan suspectum semper invisumque dominantibus qui prox lestinaretur, nocuisse id sibi apud sepem principem, n nociturum apud iuvenem ingenio trucem et longo e efferatum.”
30. rdv rárbar repoßallópevos, 'accusing Galba.' S Demosth. contr. Meil. § 179, "ompoßaxibueros," is
Conf. also $ 28, «τούτο γάρ αυτόν εγώ προυβαλόμ 31. TR Oürlo. xademaivwr. So Tacitus makes him (Hist. i. 37), "Minore avaritia et licentia ssatus esse Vinius, si ipse imperasset : nunc et subiectos nos habuit quam suos, ot viles ut alienos."