ceive bis support at a future period, if honored with a seat in this House, because he believed, after it had been clearly ascertained what was the best direction it ought to take westwardly, it would not only add to defence, but greatly facilitate the mail communication of the country. If his support was worth any thing, it would be cheerfully promised for objects of this character; and the vote which he had given for an appropriation to remove the obstructions in the navigation of the Ohio and Mississippi, afforded to his Western friends a token, at least, that his views were not alien to their interests, because, in this particular, their interests were those of the whole nation. The unobstructed navigation of the Mississippi was not only as essential to the defence of its Delta, comprising its rich capital, as fortifications at the Rigolets and English-Turn, but more so; and what was still more important, this navigation could be improved at vastly less cost.

[H. of R.

disconnected appropriations for the object of internal improvements, without reference to any fixed system, or under any fixed principles, would lead to heart burnings, and would bring the whole scheme into distrust and odium. It might suit the Grand Seignor, in the unlimited Government of his dominions, to set down and say in this part of my domain, this work shall be first accomplished, and this, because I do not like this portion of my subjects, shall never be commenced. In this confederacy, (and he thanked God for some purposes it was yet such) you must attend, by an equal, and, if possible, co-extensive distribution of your means to the wants of all, not by a comprehensiveness which would be destructive of efficiency, but by a well-founded and progressive system of exact justice.

Mr. H. said, that, in the course of a very few years, the public debt would be extinguished, by which perioa all our surveys would be completed; and it would be Let not, however, the gentlemen of the West rebuke presumed, that our country was incapable of particithose of the South, for a narrow spirit, by supposing pating in the spirit of the age in which we lived, (which that we enjoy, in any especial manner, the pecuniary seemed in some degree, to exhibit the fascinating image benefits of this Union. I speak from personal observa- of a world tired of the waste of human life by wars and tion, and somewhat with personal experience, when I bloodshed, seeking rather to multiply the valuable ob say, that there is no Western State of the same popula-jects of existence, and to enlarge the boundaries of cition, in which the Government expenditures are not as vilization,) if some portion of our great resources were great as in South Carolina. This subject was so forci- not turned to the accomplishment of those works which bly discussed by my colleague, yesterday, that I will form some of the finest memorials of the advancement merely observe, that we have scarcely any evidences of of a people, in that most valuable of all national sciences, our belonging to the Union, except those furnished by the knowledge of taking care of posterity as well as of the attachment of our people to the common bond, and themselves. the tax-gatherer who is stationed at our custom-house Mr. M'LANE, of Delaware, rose and said, that, as the in Charleston. Of the 750,000 dollars you collect there, honorable member who had just taken his seat, (Mr. scarcely forty thousand are detained to quicken and ex- HAMILTON, of South Carolina,) had professed his object pand the sources of productive industry at home-it all to be not so much to make proselytes as to justify his goes into a current which, like that stream that sets own vote to himself, there was no imperious necessity northwardly, has no reflux. And this is not all. To the for the friends of the hill to prolong the discussion, eswhole amount of this tribute the community of Charles-pecially as he felt no desire to deprive the gentleman of ton, in the unavoidable and oppressive coercion of the Bank of the United States, has to bear the additional expense of its remittance, whatever may be the difference of exchange, to those more fortunate regions where the refreshing showers of the national patronage are al ways falling, with a copiousness so fecundating and alimentary. Indeed, if he had understood correctly, it was now a standing order, that even our smaller vessels, drawing but twelve or fourteen feet, were prohibited to go into Charleston to refit, where a ship can carry in seventeen feet, to use the seaman's phrase, unless from stress of weather, although we have in great abundance both naval stores and ship mechanics. We are thus deprived, almost as effectually as our brethren of the West, of the privilege of ever seeing our national banner wave on our waters, over those memorials of our glory to which we have contributed, relatively, our full contingent of blood and treasure.

But he would not discuss further this invidious topic; if he had been betrayed into it, it was because the debate had, on another occasion, taken a course which justified it, and whilst he felt it impossible at this time to vote for the bill under discussion, for the considerations he had stated, he nevertheless hoped that, at no distant day, to vote for a system of internal communication clearly within the delegated trusts of the constitution, calculated to give us invulnerable security in war, and the blessings of a prompt and social communication in peace, by which knowledge should become more valuable in the increased velocity of its momentum, and by the consequent enlargement of its dominion.

In concluding, he would remark, that, in order to render any policy in this country beneficial and permanent, you must make it extensively popular. He did not desire to be misunderstood: he did not mean "that mushroom popularity, which is raised without merit and lost without crime," but a popularity founded on the considerations of an equal and beneficent justice. Partial and VOL. I.-19

any consolation he might derive from the reasons he had assigned, of which, in the fullest extent, he thought the gentleman would stand in great need. And yet, said Mr. M'L. the relation in which the state I represent is placed, to the work proposed to be aided by this bill,makes it proper that I should briefly reply to the arguments submit. ted by the gentleman from South Carolina.—Mr. M'I.. said, the danger he had always apprehended in regard to these subjects had now arisen. He had never believed the constitutional objections to be the greatest difficulties; these were matters of construction arising out of the words and spirit of the constitution, which could be combatted by argument and sound reasoning, by which the judgments of men could be addressed and convinced. This task had been performed; in this House and in the nation, the doctrine had prevailed. Not only had public opinion yielded to the powers of the General Government to engage in internal improvements of a national character, but had even outstript and gone ahead of the notions maintained here. But now, said Mr. M'LANE, after we have gained the victory over constitu. tional scruples, we are met with precisely the obstacles most to be apprehended, because they are most difficult to be reconciled. The friends of the cause create impediments, of which its opponents take advantage more fatal than all that have gone before :-objections on the score of expediency, arising out of the partial operation of our measures, out of local interests and sectional feelings. We are forbidden to exert our power in one part of the country, unless we employ it in every other. We must not spend money in the West till we can spend as much in the East, nor begin a work in the middle states till we can use a like sum in every part of the country. It behoves the friends of internal improvements to discourage these difficulties in the outset. They will not be so easily combatted by any argument, however powerful, because, arising out of local views, and conflicting feelings of sectional interests, they are regulated by the

H. of R.]

Chesapeake and Delaware Canal.

the prejudices, and not the reason, of gentlemen. They are unyielding in their character, and acquire force by every partial success.

[JAN. 20, 1825.

more remote. If this work, of the Delaware and Chesapeake Canal, be important in a military point of view, and he hoped to shew it was not less so than some of The gentleman says it is not time to begin; we have those fortifications, why not act in relation to it upon ordered surveys, we must not act till we have the whole the same principle? If it be intimately connected with system before us, and can accomplish the whole. Sir, the military defence of the Atlantic frontier, and he besaid Mr. M'LANE, it is no longer a question whether we lieved it was the gentleman himself had placed it on shall begin, but whether we shall be arrested in our pro- this ground-why not begin it at once, with the other gress, and stand still. We have already begun, we have great works now in progress for the same object? made great and useful progress-we could not stop if Mr. M'L. said, in every point of view in which he had we would. It is our policy to pursue our way gradually considered the subject, the measure proposed by this and with a sure step, having a proper regard to the im- bill was recommended by the wisest considerations.portance of the object, and the means at our command. He had always entertained the opinion, that the best If we refuse to act till we have before us the whole of mode of applying the resources of the government to any scheme or system, which the imagination of gentle- great national works, would be to come in aid of indivi. men may devise, we shall never do any thing; for such a dual skill and enterprise, where practicable, rather than system never can be matured, so long as the country it- to execute the work by the government. Such works, self is in a progressive state. The notions of the gentle-when undertaken exclusively by the government, were man from South Carolina, in relation to this great sys- always more expensive, and sources of constant burden tem, are fanciful and impracticable. We meet the wants and expense, in making repairs and keeping them up. of the country as they arise. If the interests of the na- This was a reasonable objection urged to the appropria tion require our interference in a particular work, and tion for the Cumberland road. But, where individual we have full information as to that work, we should em- enterprise, always careful of its own interest, and not ploy our power, without looking for other objects. If likely to embark in ruinous projects, had been led to the we wait for the general survey, it may never come.projection of a work of this description, the Government When it arrives, it may not be complete-it cannot be. might safely embark its capital in aid of the enterprize. The objects of internal improvement are as diversified This would be to cherish, encourage, and sustain, the as the interests of the country, and constantly increasing spirit and industry of the citizens, and, without the absoand changing. We order a survey of certain objects in lute gift of the funds, conduct it to the mutual improve. one year in the West; and in another in the Atlantic ment of the country, and the attainment of great nationStates. A year afterwards, new objects spring up and al objects. There could be little danger of loss in such are suggested, and new surveys follow. The information a policy, since it rarely happens that a body of intellideveloped by the surveys themselves, present new and gent men would embark their individual means without more important objects, and we find them constantly a reasonable prospect of profitable employment; and, multiplying upon our hands. How long is this to con- the work once being accomplished, the same funds own. tinue, and what period are we to fix, before we shall ed by the government could b etransferred to other obbegin to select some one or more on which to commence jects of similar importance, and ultimately attain the most practical operations? Mr. M'LANE said, whenever this extensive benefits, without any sensible effect upon the great system should be made up, if it ever could be, it means of the revenue. would be folly to expect the whole to be entered upon, at once, as a whole. It would be too great for the resources of the nation. It would be too unwieldly for any body to encounter; it would fall by its own weight, if attempted as a whole. It would have necessarily to be a work of ages, and centuries would be required for its completion. But the government would have to go The work itself is of the utmost importance, not only on progressively, selecting from the scheme those ob- in a commercial point of view, but as it regards all the jects, which the exigencies of the country immediately great interests of the nation. Consider it as you will, it required, and to which the national means would be is exceeded by no other work of the kind which has adequate. This doctrine, he said, was not new. It had been projected in this country. It is not a work of exalways been acted upon. In relation to the system of periment, suddenly suggested, and hastily adopted, by defence by fortifications, it was the known and approved the magnificence of its consequences. It is a project of policy of the government, and had been always defend-half a century; has grown up under the auspices of the ed by the gentleman from South Carolina himself.

Ever since the termination of the last war, we had been making surveys, with a view to the military defence of the country. A regular corps of engineers had been constantly employed in developing the most eligible sites for these works. Numerous reports had been made, and the surveys were yet in progress. Was it ever pretended that we should not begin to fortify until we could know all that it would become necessary to do in this way? Should we have refused to fortify New York, or Boston, or the Delaware, or the Chesapeake, till the whole country could be explored, to see how much more might be done? To protect no part of the country, until we could see how many others might be protected? On the contrary, said Mr. M'L. determining upon the expediency of defence by fortifications, we have proceeded with all reasonable despatch; we have consulted the particular exigencies of the country, acted upon information as to particular places, whenever it was complete, leaving others for future operations. With this view, we have classified our system of defence in reference to their necessity. One class to be executed immediately, another at a longer period, and a third still

The bill before the House conforms to this policy. It proposes a subscription for 1500 shares of stock in the Delaware and Chesapeake Canal Company, to be paid at the same periods, and in similar proportions, as the other stockholders, and to give the government a control over the company in proportion to its interests.

most enlightened, scientific, and practical men for that period of time. A company has been incorporated by the authority of three states, authorized to make the work. Individual subscriptions, to the amount of dollars, have been obtained; and, in aid of these, and in common with so many others, the government is now asked to subscribe for 1500 shares, which, if done, the work will be completed.

In embarking in this enterprise, we violate .no state rights-they, at least, are, in this instance, secure. We encroach upon no municipal authority, because we are acting under its immediate and express sanction. Of the entire and absolute practicability of the work, with the present aid, no one who has attended to the subject, and to the lucid exposition of the honorable chairman of the committee who reported the bill, can doubt. The route has been established under the direction of the most skilful engineers, civil and military, in the United States. The estimates have been judiciously madecontracts for the whole work already entered into with responsible persons, at a sum within the estimates, and the work is in a rapid and prosperous advancement. The gentleman from South Carolina calls for a survey. Sir,

JAN. 20, 1825.]

Chesapeake and Delaware Canal.

[H. of R.

he has it, and the best that could be made. The gentle- they leave these things to us; they are careful and acman has not yet to learn that this work has been sur-tive in their own concerns, they expect us to be so of veyed, in two successive years, by a part of the military ours; and it will be well for us not to be less attentive corps of engineers of the United States, under the im- than they. mediate direction of the Government, and by them approved and adopted. Sir, I should be safe in saying, that, to the judgment of these engineers, the present location of the route of this canal is to be mainly attributed. In the earlier stages of this work, a different route had been contemplated, and at a far less expense, within the amount of individual subscriptions. This route has been changed by the recent surveys, and another adopted, requiring more labor and more money. When I consider the character of the men engaged in this survey, I am bound to believe that their location has been judicious; but, it is, nevertheless, owing, in a great degree, to the decision of these United States' Engineers, that the cost of the work has exceeded the means of the individual subscription, and therefore requires the aid of the Government. But the gentleman says we must wait for the surveys of the last session. How can they aid our deliberations? Of what benefit will the surveys of the country west of the mountains, or on the lakes, be to us, in relation to this Delaware and Chesa-ed, if she possessed the means, whether she would peake Canal? We know as much of the work now as we should after any number of surveys. It is admitted, on all hands, that this is a work of the highest national character, essential for purposes of commerce and defence; that, begin when we may, this must be the first object to which we must turn: then, why wait, I repeat, for surveys, which can shed no new light upon a subject of which we are already fully informed?

When the House consider what every portion of the country immediately connected with this work has already done towards internal improvements, together with the means of some, and the conflicting interests concerned, the amount of individual subscriptions already made is a matter of applause rather than complaint. Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Maryland, may be said to be those more immediately interested in this work. In Pennsylvania, great aid has been afforded, as well by her Legislature as her individual citizens. Although the greatest extent of the canal passes through the state of Delaware, she is the smallest in population and resources of either of the others; and the chief, if not only advantages to that state, from this work, are confined to a single county. The Legislature of that state, with great liberality, but more from a public spirit than any immediate interest, have contributed her full share to the work. But so little interest has the other parts of the state in the canal, that it may well be doubtemploy then in such a work, to the injury of other duties. In Maryland, the benefits from the canal are supposed to flow, principally to the counties on the Eastern Shore; and an impression has always prevailed, that the commercial interests of Baltimore would be more injured than advanced by the work. A jealousy of Philadelphia has accordingly sprung up, I believe, without foundation, which shuts out all aid from that quarter, and exerts a powerful influence over the Legis lative Councils of that state.

It is, therefore, because of this peculiar state of things, and the various conflicting interests of those states connected with the work, that the Government is required to come in aid of individual spirit and enterprise, and complete a great national improvement which will otherwise be abandoned.

It has been said, however, that there are great individual wealth and enterprise in the country through which this canal passes, and to that its accomplishment should be left, and our means employed where these causes are less active. That the portion of the country immediately interested in this great work forms a very important section of the United States, both in regard to its wealth and enterprise, is most true; and, therefore, in my view of the subject, it demands the favorable no- And now, sir, said Mr. M'L. permit me to ask if this be tice of the Government. It is precisely such portions of not emphatically a great national work? Setting aside the Union, where wealth and enterprise abound, where the great commercial advantages and facilities afforded the business and concerns of society are the most exten- by this work, to the remotest and most extended secsive and important, requiring to be cherished and enti- tions of the Union, and which would, therefore, authortled to protection, to which we should be attentive. If,ize the exertion of the commercial power of the connected with such a district, there should be found some great national work, rendered more important by these considerations, but which local causes retarded, there would be the greater reason for our interposition. The opposite argument would lead us to assist the idle and neglect the enterprising. Instead of fostering and cherishing the spirit of an enterprising community, the gentleman would have us to spend our money on bar ren plains, or where there was not sufficient industry in the population to develop their natural resources.

Government, and, considering its national character in reference to the military power and duties of the Government, as assumed by the gentleman from South Carolina, it demands our prompt and efficient interference.

Though vastly important in itself, it was not enough, Mr. M'L. said, to contemplate this canal as a solitary work. He looked upon it as but one, though certainly the most material link in the great chain of internal communication on the Atlantic frontier: of that chain Sir, said Mr. M'LANE, this work will not be completed which was to unite Boston Harbor with the river St. by individual enterprise, and for the plain reason, that Mary's, and to bring the extremes of this continent toit is more a national than an individual work. It is less gether. When gentlemen contemplate the system of beneficial to any particular district or section of the defence along our maritime coast, the local position of country, and especially those in its immediate vicinity, our naval depots, and the different fortifications; the than of the country at large. Its importance is, in a great necessity of the transportation of munitions of war, of measure, owing to its influence on distant and remote naval armaments, of the army itself, and the whole parts of the Union, in their intercourse with the great materiel of military force, when we consider, too, that Atlantic cities, and the facilities it affords the govern- all the active operations for the defence of every part of ment in all its defensive operations. Such considerations, the country, against the invasion and assaults of an important as they are, are not the most active impulses enemy, must be on the Atlantic seaboard, it is impossito individual enterprise. Individual industry is for the ble to estimate too highly the advantages, nay, the inmost part limited to its own immediate necessities. Men dispensable necessity of a safe and expeditious interevery where look to the interests of their city, or state, course and communication between its various points. or county; they expect sensible advantage to their pro- There is no principal military work on the whole Atperty, or immediate profit from their undertaking.lantic line, to which this canal would not be a powerful When these are sufficient to move them, they go on; when great public benefit or national advantage form the chief incentives, they are slow in their progress;

auxiliary, to which it would not give new and powerful efficiency. If gentlemen will revert to the scenes of the last war, they will derive an impressive lesson upon

this point. Deprived, as we were, by a small force of the enemy, of the means of an Atlantic intercourse, the whole military transportation of the Government was carried on over land, and under difficulties almost insurmountable. The extra expense alone, to say nothing of delay and waste, incurred by the Government in their transportation across the route of this canal, during the late war, would amount to more than the sum we are now asked to subscribe to the work. It is in vain that we build extensive fortifications and establish our navy yards, if we are left without the means of easy access from one to the other; if, in the moment of our greatest exigency, our communication with these important posts is cut off or obstructed. Mr. M'LANE said, he had the authority of the most distinguished military men for saying, that the defence of the three cities of New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, including the intervening country, could be made sure and complete with one-third of the military force, with the aid of these canals, that would be required without them.

Our military defences, he said, should be considered in reference to a time of war, and should be constructed in time of peace, with a view to war: to neglect them now, would expose us to the hazard of that contingency, and a want of necessary preparation when the crisis arrived.

[JAN. 20, 1825.

vailed; no one felt the power of the Government; every one complained of its weakness. If, in such a war, there were an easy internal canal communication, we should be, in a great degree, beyond the power of the enemy. He might thunder in vain on our shores; our fortifications well garrisoned, aided by a small army judiciously posted, would prevent his landing, and the great business of the community proceed actively and securely. The horrors of war would not visit the interior. Individual happiness and comfort would be promoted, the wealth of the nation be increased, and when the Government should have occasion to call upon the friends of the people, to strengthen its arm, it would not call in vain. It would call upon a cheerful, powerful population, and thus derive resources adequate to its greatest necessities. Sir, I pray gentlemen to allow the experience of the late war, aided by these considerations, to inculcate upon them to delay no longer the accomplishment of this great means of national defence and national protection. We are admonished, however, that the state of the Treasury will not justify this expenditure. We are told to wait till the public debt is paid off, and the nation is out of debt. This argument has been so often repeated during the present session, as to induce some to believe there may be something in it. After hearing from every department of the Government so much about the flourishing state of our finances, it would indeed be strange if we had not the means of making a subscription of $350,000, to be paid gradually in the course of two or three years, without sensibly increasing our obligations.

Sir, I do not mean to say that a public debt is a public blessing, and yet I believe there is no man in this nation who seriously believes that our present debt is in the least degree alarming, or even to be regretted. We owe eighty-eight millions of dollars, which, by the ordinary means of the Treasury, will be utterly extinguished in ten years, leaving annually in the Treasury an excess of about three millions of dollars, for miscellaneous expenditure. It has always been the policy of the Government to pay its national debt by the application of the sinking fund alone, amounting annually to ten mil lions. It is a wise policy. It would be injurious to pay it off more rapidly. The annual redemption of ten millions of debt, is as much as the interest of the creditor will bear. A sudden displacement of more capital, in the present state of the country, would be injurious to the Government and the creditor. We are already exchanging our six per cent. stocks for others bearing an interest of only four and a half per cent. Let gentlemen imagine the consequences of suddenly paying off the eighty-eight millions of public debt. Our true policy and duty undoubtedly are to pay off our debt no faster than the creditor may have the means of some other judicious investment of his money. So long, therefore, as we preserve an excess of two or three millions of dollars beyond the amount of the sinking fund, we are invited, by every consideration of policy, to use that excess in the promotion of the great objects of national importance.

Mr. McLANE said, he should maintain, without the fear of contradiction, that this chain of interior canals was essential to the military power of this Government: complete protection could not be given to the country without it. The Government could not exert itself so wisely or profitably as in augmenting the means of defence. The arm of the Government was never so strong as when raised for the protection of the citizen. Its powers of defence endeared it to the people, led them to perceive and acknowledge its necessity, to admire its utility, and strengthen its resources. This Government could not be too lavish of its funds in the means of defence. No expenditure could be wasteful or improvident, if made among our own people, for their complete protection. But the raising of armies and equipment of fleets, were not the only means of defence: to a certain extent they were necessary, but totally inadequate to all the objects of defence. They were, moreover, expensive, in some instances dangerous, and he doubted whether the utmost resources of this country would be sufficient to defend the people by armies, navies, and even fortifications. We were not defended by an army which should wait to receive the enemy on his landing, and drive him back to his ships. An enemy commanding great maritime means, would distress us more, and produce greater ruin, by shutting up our ports without landing a soldier. By this means he would carry the pressure of war into every part of the country, and enfeeble the Government in maintaining large armies to watch his invasion. Our means of defence, to be effectual, should be carried to the homes and the business of our population. We should give protection to the labor and occupation of the citizen, so that he should not only be secure in his person, but safe in the Mr. McLANE said he would delay the House no longer pursuit of his industry. Such a species of defence has than to urge upon them the propriety of an early and been entirely overlooked in considering this subject. seasonable interference in aid of this great work. If it But we cannot have forgotten the experience of the last be wise, for the considerations already adverted to, war. We suffered, it is true, from the sudden incursions there is no time so auspicious as the present. The of the enemy, but in no degree equal to the calamities work is now in the hands of judicious, enterprising inwhich every where pervaded the Union, even those dividuals: public spirit is enlisted in its cause. If we parts most remote from the immediate theatre of the war. cherish this spirit, and aid the enterpise, we shall conA blockading squadron at the Chesapeake and the Dela- duct it to the happiest results; the work will be soon ware, completely cut off the communication between completed; its influence will extend to other places, the Northern and Southern sections of the Union. The and gradually accomplish the whole. But, if we neglect industry of the people was paralyzed, the product of it now, we may find it difficult to do it hereafter. This their labor rotted on their hands, the activity of the enterprise has already suffered from temporary discour manufacturer was at a stand, the means of interchange agement. Twenty years ago, it was projected under were destroyed, individual suffering every where pre-favorable auspices-a capital was subscribed-a route