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Senate.]

Suppression of Piracy.

place was actually invested by the public ships of Great Britain.

1 consider, this blockade, then, said Mr. H. as a measure of force: as putting us into a belligerant attitude, in relation to Spain, and as giving us belligerant rights, as far as we may think proper to exercise them. And now, sir, I will go a step farther, and contend that we have just cause of war against Spain; and, though this may be a war measure, yet there is nothing to restrain us from taking it but our own interests or convenience. The facts, as disclosed by the documents on our table, are, that the Island of Cuba is occupied by pirates; that, from their secure asylums on shore, they issue forth, and attack the defenceless merchantman, murdering the crew, and converting the property to their own use; that these depredations are committed by men known to the Spanish authorities in Cuba, and suffered with impunity to live in their cities, and openly to sell their plunder. I will advert, for a moment, said Mr. HAYNE, to a few facts, to show the extent of this practice and the protection afforded to the pirates by the officers of Spain. The documents on our table show, that, from July to October, a period of less than four months, there were no less than twenty three vessels captured, and plundered by the pirates-manned, by not less, certainly, than two hundred seamen, of whom scarcely one escaped to tell the tale. When the gallant Captain Graham, of the British sloop of war Icarus, rescued from the hands of the pirates, the Henry, of Hartford, he found twelve merchant vessels in their possession, the crews of which were no where to be found. When the pirates were asked what had become of them, we are told that "they shrugged up their shoulders, and were silent." These merchant vessels, says Captain Graham must have been navigated by at least one hundred and twenty menand it is obvious they had all been murdered. Mr. HAYNE would not attempt to describe the horrors which must have attended the scenes transacted by those fell murderers on the bloody decks of our defenceless merchant vessels. Among the garments, pierced through with holes and stained with blood, were some which had belonged to innocent and defenceless females. Language was inadequate to depict the condition of those who were exposed to the mercy of these fiends in human shape, whose usual practice it was, first to torture, and then to slay their victims, in the solitude of night, when there was no ear to hear their cries, no heart to pity, and no arm to save them. It is painful, (says Mr. Randall,) to "reflect on the numbers who may have fallen victims "to the same fate, but whose tragical stories are buried "in the ocean with their mangled bodies." Now, sir, said Mr. HAYNE, it is proved that not only the inhabitants of Cuba, but the authorities wink at these actsnay, they share the plunder, and the Captain General himself, when a case was brought before him of plundered property deposited in Regla, inquired just so far as to ascertain the truth of the charge, and then declared "that, as he feared all Regla would be found to be implicated in the robbery, in the present disturbed and critical condition of the Island, he dared not push the investigation further," or, in more plain terms, "I will not, because I dare not, grant you redress.”

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in detail, the depredations committed on our commerce by pirates, who found refuge in Cuba, and other Spanish Islands in the West Indies, detailing the nature of their proceedings, and the protection afforded to them by the subjects and officers of Spain. No notice was taken of this remonstrance. It was renewed on the 23d of January, and on the 3d of February, but the Spanish Government remained as cold and silent as the grave. On the 7th of September, Mr. Nelson, for the last time, brought the subject to the view of the Spanish Government. Language is incapable of making a stronger appeal. He states our grievances; tells the King" that the patience of the American Government had been tried to the fullest extent of sufferance, and that the time is at hand when we must resort to measures of a more efficient character." This representation has also been treated with the most sovereign contempt. By this conduct, the King of Spain has refused us redress; he has adopted the acts of his officers, and made himselt responsible for the injuries of which we complain. The Roman's, from whom we have borrowed so many of our principles, civil and political, had a custom, on this subject, worthy of much commendation. By their Fecial law, the Pater Patratus, or Chief of the Heralds, was sent to demand satisfaction for injuries, and if, in thirty-three days no answer was returned, the Gods were called to be witnesses of the wrong, and war was forthwith declared.

Now, I do contend, that the conduct I have detailed gives us justifiable cause of war. But we are gravely told, that all this arises from the weakness of Spain, and that this cannot furnish just cause of war. What! shall the subjects of Spain be suffered to depredate on our property, and murder our people, and shall we be told that we must submit to this because Spain is weak? Sir, Spain either can prevent these outrages, and wants the inclination to do so, or she is unable to prevent them. In either case, our right to protect ourselves is complete.

But, said Mr. H. though I contend that there is just cause of war against Spain-war, in any shape, which may suit our convenience to wage; yet, I admit that there is still another weighty consideration, viz: Is it indispensably necessary?

A nation which has just cause of war, is not bound to go to war. That is always a question of prudence for the nation itself. Now, sir, though I am convinced of the right of this Government to go to war, I am of opinion that the object which we have in view, to wit the suppression of piracy, may be attained at less expense; and, therefore, that it is our duty to ourselves to postpone a measure which should never be resorted to, but under the last necessity. A blockade of Cuba must destroy, not only our own trade with that island, but it must destroy the trade of all neutral nations, and these would be evils of great magnitude. Should the honor of our country, and the protection of the property and lives of our fellow citizens require this sacrifice, why, then, sir, let it be made. God forbid that we should consent to weigh profit against honor, or that the glory of our flag, or the lives of our citizens, should be thrown into the same scale with pounds, shillings, and pence. But this trade is too important to be lightly jeopardized. It appears, But it may be said, that the Captain General of Cuba from documents submitted to this House at the last sesis not the Sovereign of Spain, and that our redress is to sion, that the amount of our annual import from Cuba is be sought for from the King. Well, sir, we have apnear eight millions of dollars: that our exports amount to pealed unto Cæsar. We have represented these matters to him in language as strong as is at all consistent with the rules of diplomacy, and a becoming self respect. We have made these representations over and over again, and to this very hour he has never even condescended to give us an answer of any sort. By refer ring to the correspondence of Mr. Nelson, our Minister to Spain, it will appear that, on the 10th of January, of the last year, he made a strong and formal remonstrance the Spanish Government on this subject, setting forth,

near six millions: making, together, a trade of thirteen millions of dollars, employing upwards of one hundred and seventeen thousand tons of American shipping, and between four and five thousand seamen.

This trade, too, consists in the exchange of articles which we can best spare, chiefly our bread stuffs and lumber, for those which are most essential to the comfort of our people. The interruption of it would be most severely felt by the poor, who would be deprived of the little luxuries which spread cheerfulness around their

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Suppression of Piracy.

[Senate.

fire-sides. The trade of Great Britain and France, of far between," afforded the only protection which our Holland, Sweden, and Russia, with these islands, is commerce received, if we are to rely on the documents equally important, and entitled to great consideration. on our table. The pirates, said Mr. Randall, boasted Now, said Mr. HAYNE, my opinion is, that piracy may be "that they had nothing to fear." I beg leave, said Mr. suppressed without resorting to a blockade, so injurious H. to read one or two passages from the letters of Mr. in its consequences to the commerce of the world. I Randall and Mr. Mountain, which seems to set this matagree that piracy must be suppressed. I acknowledge ter in a very strong light. that the conduct of Spain gives her no claim for forbearance on our part. I have no scruple to a war measure, and of calling it so in plain terms, if it be necessary. But I do not believe that necessity now exists, and at all events, I am disposed to make a fair experiment on the subject. I am, said Mr. H. a lover of peace. I believe it to be the interest of the United States to remain at peace with all the world. A few years will pay all our debts, and double our resources and our strength. I would therefore avoid war, on our own account, as long as it can possibly be avoided with honor.

Now, I think it can be proved, from known facts, as well as the documents before us, that piracy in the West Indies can be suppressed by the vigorous, energetic, and unceasing efforts of a competent naval force, having authority to land and to pursue the pirates into the settled as well as the unsettled parts of the country. It will be recollected, said Mr. H. that, at the last session of Congress, the report of Com. Porter was submitted to us, in which he stated, in substance, that piracy had been suppressed-" their boats burned and destroyed, and the pirates killed or driven ashore."

Mr. Randall, in his letter of the 6th of Sept. says"It is also, in my opinion, necessary, that the force employed should be always present, with an undivided view and attention to this business. Their occasional absence on other duties, materially impairs their effica cy. Their operations against the pirates should be consecutive and unremitting. It has been found that occasional visits to suspected places, by different vessels, and at long intervals, produce no serious impression on the pirates.

"I cannot but lament, however, the causes, (sufficient, no doubt,) which have induced the withdrawing of so large a portion of the force. Recent events here have proved, that, if this was induced by the supposition that piracy was effectually put down, or that the force left was adequate to restrain it, the opinion was erroneous, and its consequences deplorable."

And again, in his letter of the 31st October, Mr. Randall says,

"It is here a matter of common observation and complaint, that the anti-piratical squadron has effected nothing against the pirates, commensurate with its numbers The Secretary of the Navy was so fully convinced that and force, during the last six months. This has not been piracy was suppressed, that he stated it was only neces- owing to the want of zeal, of enterprise, or courage, on sary in future" to watch them." The facts supported the part of our officers and seamen actually engaged in this opinion: piracy was suppressed, though the pirates this pursuit, but to their diversion to other objects, inhad not been rooted out. This state of things continued compatible with the efficient performance of this highly up to the beginning of last summer, when it appears, important service. Since the spring, the vessels have from the documents before us, that Commodore Porter, been dispersed on various services remote from this being fully convinced that piracy was suppressed, re- island, which they have merely made a touching point turned home, and the fleet was detached on various" in transitu," without remaining long enough to make duties, leaving a few small schooners, which could not any permanent impression on the system. For a considremain long at sea, to watch the shores of Cuba. I beg, erable time. the most exposed part of this coast, at the most sir, that I may not be misunderstood; I do not mean to dangerous season, was not visited by a single vessel of war, cast any censure on any officer of the Government, much and, for a still longer time, by none but the smallest and less to pluck a single leaf from the wreath which en- most inefficient. circles the brow of the gallant Porter. Sir, the country owes him a debt of gratitude for the addition he has made to our naval wealth, which I shall never forget. But I am constrained to state my conviction, that an erroneous opinion of the complete suppression of piracy; an opinion not confined to Commodore Porter, but pervading all classes of the community, by occasioning the Mr. Mountain, the American consul, holds the same diversion of the force, led to "the revival" of the prac- language: "It is too true, says he, that our commerce has tice. When the United States' schooner Jackall arriv- not been protected on this side of Cuba, since early last ed in Norfolk, early in the summer, she reported, that spring. Our men of war have occasionally been here, "for three months no act of piracy had been heard of;" and off here, on their way to and from the ports of Mexiand so confident were our officers that we should hear co," &c. Now, sir, said Mr. H. is it not fair to conclude no more of piracy, that when Lieut. Skinner's account that, if piracy ceased to exist while the force was kept reached the United States, an article was published in a constantly on the coast, and if it broke out as soon as paper in this city, in the nature of censure on that officer, their presence was withdrawn, that an investment of the for creating a false alarm; stating "that there was not island of Cuba by a still larger force, kept constantly emthe least doubt that the accounts of piracies were exag-ployed in that service, with a vessel anchored in the hargerated." It has been shown, sir, that all the cases disclosed in the reports of Messrs. Randall and Mountain, took place after the withdrawal of the force from Cuba. In Mr. Randall's letter of the 1st July, he tells us "that there were pirates lying off Matanzas, but there was no vessel of war of the United States there."

On the 5th July, he writes, "that the absence of our Cruizers had emboldened these men to renew their piracies." On the 14th July he writes, "that the Grampus had arrived off the Havana, on the 7th, from the coast of Mexico, bound to New York." On the 12th the John Alams arrived, to sail this day, (14th,) or to-morrow, from the Bay of Mexico, bound to Philadelphia. In short, Mr. President, these occasional stoppages, in the Course of other voyages, "like angel visits, short, and

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"The temporary cessation of piracies some time before, caused by the presence of a large force on the coast, seems to have induced a delusive and fatal opinion that the evil was extinguished, and to have led to the diversion of too large a portion of the force, to objects of infinitely less pecuniary, and of scarcely any national importance.”

bor of Havana, and another at Matanzas, will suppress the practice entirely? The sloops of war will be much more efficient than the worthless schooners now employed on that service, not only on account of being able to remain longer at sea, but because they can carry a number of barges, for service near the shore. Let, then, said Mr. H. the experiment be fairly tried, and if it fail, it will be time enough to blockade or seize the city of Havana.

The right to follow the pirates on shore, Mr. H. also considered as a material means for the accomplishment of the object. He could not concur with the gentleman from New York, (Mr. VAN BUREN,) that we had a right to pursue and take a felon, even in the Halls of Westminster. Where a Government exists, you must appy to the Magistrate, and nations were not in the habit of

Senate.]

Suppression of Piracy.

surrendering even a criminal-they were proud of being considered as a sanctuary, from which even a criminal could not be torn. Nor had the Secretary of the Navy given the power to the extent proposed by this bill. He had restricted the right of fresh pursuit to the parts of the country" where the local government was not felt." Mr. H. thought it should be extended further, and that it would be a very efficient measure. He hoped it would not be stricken from the bill.

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the plainest of all reasons, because it operated, in the first instance, against our friends, against powers who were not only willing, but one of whom had efficiently and zealously co-operated with us in measures for the suppression of piracy. Against the commerce of those nations we were about to exercise acts of unwarranted violence-acts which could not but lead to the most injurious consequences. But it had been said, that, admitting that, by the law of nations, the right of blockade can only be exercised in time of war, this act itself would place us at war with Spain, and thus render the blockade lawful. Mr. V. B. said, that this argument, however imposing it might, on a first impression, appear, was liable to great and unanswerable objections: first, it was in the face of the declaration of the committee, and prothe idea of attaching such a consequence to the measure they propose: secondly, although Spain might consider it as the commencement of hostilities, she might notshe might consult her true interests, and do us the justice to give us credit for proper motives; if she did, our unwarrantable invasion of the rights of other nations would stand without apology: and even if she did not, and war ensued, we will have anticipated its rights at the expense of our respect for the public law, and for the feelings of friendly powers; either of which would, he thought, be unworthy of the American people.

As to arming of merchantmen, Mr. H. considered this also a measure entitled to support. He hoped to see the clause amended by the adoption of the motion of the gentleman from Maryland, extending the aid of the Government to the merchants, and then the measure would be an efficient one, both morally and physically. Mr. H. firmly believed, that these measures, rigorously execut-fessions of the Government, both of which disclaimed ed, would suppress piracy, and afford complete protection to our commerce. If he thought otherwise, he would not hesitate a moment in voting for a blockade, or an invasion, or any other act of war, which might be necessary. But he was asked, "what if he was mistaken in that opinion, would he leave our commerce without protection, until the next session of Congress?" To this he would reply, that, if the gentleman would modify this blockade in the following particulars, he would now give it his vote.

Mr. SMITH, of Maryland, said, that he had not intend

1st. That the authority to resort to it should depend on the failure of the other means provided by this act. 2d. That it be, in that case, made applicable, noted to take any part in the debate at present; but an apmerely to cases of fresh pursuit, but be a measure of reprisal on the inhabitants of Cuba.

3d. That the measure be taken in concert with other powers, or after a communication with them.

Mr. H. would, even now, move such an amendment, if he did not believe that the Senate was altogether opposed to a blockade in any shape. Should he be mistaken in that opinion, and the Senate should refuse to strike out the clause, he would then submit an amend ment. Mr. H. concluded by saying, that, on the whole, he had no doubt of our right to resort to any species of force, a blockade, or to any other act of war, against Cuba. But believing that measures of a milder character might accomplish the object, he was not, at this time, disposed to resort to so strong a measure, unless its exertion were made to depend on the entire failure of all other means

peal had been made to the people-1500 copies of the communications which had been made to them by the Executive, had been ordered to be printed, to let the people see that the measure now proposed, was indispensably necessary. If, said Mr. S. I were one of those that thought so, I should certainly unite in opinion with the committee. The chairman of that committee has told us, early in the debate, that the measures employed have been inefficient, and that we have adopted measures of a national kind that are not adequate. Can this be the fact? Can it be possible, that we have not within ourselves means adequate enough, without resorting to so harsh a measure as the one proposed? I have been one of those, said Mr. S. who have supposed that the means furnished by Congress, were quite adequate to the object. Sir, it is in vain for us to pass laws of any kind, unless those laws are executed to the letter. We Mr. VAN BUREN was too sensible of the indulgence have passed laws, we have granted money for the suphe had received from the Senate yesterday, to trespass pression of piracy, and if these means were not applied longer on their time than would be required to notice as Congress intended they should be, are we to be chargone or two of the points touched on by the gentleman ed with having adopted ineffectual measures? On sub. from South Carolina. That gentleman had done no more jects of this kind, it is proper for the representatives of than justice to the enormities practised on our fellow-the people to speak out. It is proper for them to decitizens; the documents on our tables were replete with fend themselves against the charge. The Navy Deevidence of the most horrid atrocities; but it did not fol- partment asked for certain means, which were promptly low that we had a right to resort to any and every mea- and unanimously given; they were exercised, and found sure of redress which might be in our power, whatever efficient, and completely so. Shall we then, by sancmight be their effect on the rights of others. However tioning a section of this kind, put in the hands of the grievous our wrongs, we still owed it not only to ourselves, Executive the power of declaring war?-a power which but to those nations with whom we are at peace, and we alone possess in Congress. We may be led on, step against whom we have no cause of complaint, to resort by step, till it becomes necessary to declare war for the to such remedies only as were lawful in us, and not is- honor of the country. I do not say such a thing will be jurious to them. The gentleman from South Carolina done; I only state the case, that it may be; and I am unhad labored to show that a declaration of war was not a willing to grant a provisional power, that may lead us necessary preliminary measure to the commencement of into war. I would much rather go to war directly than hostilities between nations. Mr. V. B. said, there was indirectly. I agree with the gentleman from South Cano doubt that in that the gentleman was correct; whatever rolina, that we have cause for war against Spain; and if might once have been thought upon the subject, the law we were to declare it to-morrow, we should be perfectly and the practice had for a long time been different. War justified. might be commenced by acts of aggression. But those Having been told that the means that had been emacts should be of an appropriate character, such as reployed were inefficient, I was led to go into a critical prisals, &c. or any act of force against the party by whom examination of the documents on the table; and there, we had been injured. Was a blockade of their ports, in sir, Mr. Mountain declares that, from Spring till Octothe first instance, an act of that character? This, said ber, there was no vessel to protect the commerce of the Mr. V. B. was the question, and the only question before United States. And the same documents prove the the Senate. He contended that it was not, and that for capture of several vessels by the pirates, and that an

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application was made to a British frigate to convoy your ships. It appears very extraordinary to me, sir, that, when the course to be followed was so clearly pointed out in July, it should have been left undone. Why not apply force then? Every thing tends to shew that there wanted nothing but vessels, authorized by law, to be placed there?

If, then, sir, we have efficient means within ourselves, why resort to a scheme of this sort, that may implicate us in difficulties with foreign nations? The gentleman from South Carolina says, very properly, that, on the necessity of the case, depends the propriety of this extraordinary measure. I see no necessity: I see that we have sufficient means within ourselves, and I am unwil ling to go into a measure of this kind, which is doubtful in its consequences, when we can suppress piracy without it. I have no hesitation in saying that, if you place a sufficient force on the coast of Cuba, and assist merchant vessels in arming, that alone will be sufficient. But I go further surround the island, and keep it constantly surrounded. I would purchase the Robert Fulton steam vessel, and put on board of her a number of barges, with a nine pounder in the bow of each, and let these go along till they get to the east end of the island; let these armed barges search every inlet and creek, and destroy all such boats as they suspect are used for piratical enterprizes. After getting to the east end of the island, let them return again and so continue. This will probably cost 100,000 dollars. Let larger vessels cruise round the island, and keep in the pirates; and by these measures, I have no doubt, piracy will be suppressed and kept under.

It appears, sir, said Mr. S., that we are not to give power to our merchantmen to arm, for fear they should abuse it. Is there an instance of their having abused such power? No, sir; there is not one. But it likewise appears that they are already authorized to arm; that some have done it, and no complaint has been yet made. All the vessels trading to the East Indies are armed, and no complaint is made. This, then, is an idle fear. I have always understood that, in the fresh pursuit of an enemy, you have a right to land. It has been done by England, and by ourselves, and Spain has not complained of it. It is a national right, which we can make use of at any time, without law. The passing the law is the only objection I have to it.

The Chairman of the Committee has said that your character demands that you should be prompt and efficacious in your measures, and therefore recommends a blockade. But, will that be efficacious? No, sir; it will be throwing a stone that will hit nobody. The pirates, when chased, do not run into open ports, but they go into the unsettled parts of the country. Blockade the inlets, then, for it is there where you will find them.This blockading of ports, therefore, is an inefficient measure, which may do some harm, but is not calculated to do any good.

Mr. BARBOUR observed that, if there was a majority of the Senate who approved the principle of the section, under any modification, he hoped they would vote against striking it out; because, if they afterwards failed to put it into the shape they preferred, it would still be in their power to expunge the section, when the bill should be reported to the Senate by the committee of the whole.

Mr. MACON said there was something in this business which he could not understand. Insurance from New York to New Orleans, the Senate was informed, was but one to one and a half per cent. How insurance could be so low, whilst so many piracies were committed, was more than he could comprehend. During the wars between France and England, when a great many captures were made, insurance was not so low as ve per cent. Mr. M. then said, he thought that no necessity could justify a breach of the public law. We had endeavored,

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and successfully, to preserve that law, and he knew but one instance of its violation-that one he always thought very doubtful. We had constantly maintained, to the broadest extent, neutral rights with every nation with whom we had come in contact. This blockade, to say the least of it, was of doubtful character, and he therefore did not like it. It had struck him as a curious question, what would be the condition of a French or English vessel, if taken breaking this blockade; would she he a prize, or what? He was not willing to consent to any act which would jeopardise the character of the country. National character was like individual character-it ought never to be doubted-it ought ever to be so pure as to command respect.

It was to his mind as clear as the light of day, that the President had the power of suppressing piracy. Mr. Randall had proved, that, as long as vessels of war were there, no piracies had occurred, and he was afraid that carrying money had produced all these evils. As long as the vessels of war were there, the pirates were invisible; but, as soon as they were gone, they came out. This following the pirates on shore, was a much more difficult matter than gentleman had represented it to be. How were the pirates to be known when they got on shore? They might change their clothes, or any thing else. The true way was to catch them on the water, by sending a sufficient force to Cuba, and to hang all that were caught; and when they found that catching and hanging were the same thing, there would soon be an end to piracy

Mr. M. then asked, why would gentlemen wish to go farther than was necessary? What could be better than possessing the power of doing all they wanted? It seemed to him to be a race which should go farthest in his particular way. What more was necessary than to order the vessels to be taken and the men to be hanged?

On the subject of arming merchantmen, Mr. M. did not think the comparison of the assassin a just one; in individual rencounters the consequences fell on themselves alone; but here, the consequences would be much more serious, if the power were abused. He did not suppose that merchantmen, generally, would seek to abuse, but they were not better than any other class of me, nor did he believe them worse.

As to the effect these measures would produce or Spain, they were not worth thinking of. He considered Spain out of the question. What was Spain? No human being could tell-there were people there, and a sort of Government--but the French were there to keep their own people down. With respect to the people of Cuba, Mr. M. said, he knew little or nothing. He al ways had understood that the trade to that Island was a most profitable one to the United States. It appeared quite impossible to him that such a state of society could subsist as was described in Cuba; he should hope to find there as many pure as would have saved Sodom and Gomorrah.

Mr. M. said, if he were to liken this blockade to any thing, it would be to the attack on Copenhagen, by the British. Britain was afraid of the naval power of her rival and enemy, and said as Rome did, Carthage must be put down! It was ludicrous to talk of arming a whole nation against 4 or 500 bandits, after the late contest with the British. He saw no necessity for arming the merchantmen. If the navy could not protect the merchantmen, particularly in the American seas, we ought to have neither navy or merchantmen.

He recollected Preble had put an end to the Tripolitan war, and Decatur soon ended the Algerine war.Both of these people were pirates by trade, by education, and, he had almost said, by religion. Our vessels went there at once: and cannot our vessels catch these Cuba bandits, without our attempting to make an interpolation in the law of nations? It was, he thought, a most difficult thing to alter public law. During the.

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Suppression of Piracy.-Creek Indian Negotiation.

American war, all the powers of Europe assembled to do it-Great Britain withstood it, and the public law is now as Great Britain then said it should be.

[FEB. 1, 1825.

Mr. HOLMES, of Maine, then offered the following, as a substitute for the section just stricken out:

Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That no arined vessel of the United States, authorized and employed for the suppression of piracy, shall be engaged or employed in the transportation of specie, or any other article of freight, unless specially designated therefor by the President of the United States.

Before the question was taken on this amendment, Mr. VAN BUREN moved to recommit the bill to the Committee on Foreign Relations, with the following instructions:

It appeared to him, from Mr. Randall's report, that nothing but ships were wanting. He had no opinion of stuffing an administration. If they obtained what they wanted, they ought to be held responsible for the suc. cess of the means employed. They did not want either armed merchant vessels, or a blockade. Of the latter, the President speaks with great delicacy; and from the former, the Secretary of the Navy thinks mischief may arise. Therefore, he thought it would be wise to give the administration what they wanted, but not more; and "Resolved, That the bill "For the suppression of Pi. that he was willing to do now. He did not wish to make racy in the West Indies," be recommitted to the Comany profession of his wish to see the robbers extermin-mittee on Foreign Relations, with instructions to report ated, for we were to be judged, not by our words, but amendments thereto, giving power to the President, on by our deeds. There was not a civilized man in the its being satisfactorily proved to him that any of the world but would wish it; and he could not call that in- pirates mentioned in the said act, find refuge in any of habitant of Cuba a civilized man, that encouraged pira- the cities or ports of the said Island of Cuba, or other cy. They waged war against the whole human race; a Islands mentioned in the said bill, and that the local gowar of the most disastrous kind. They could be governed vernments of the said Islands, on being requested so to by no rule towards them but that of extermination: and do, neglect or refuse to aid in the apprehension, proseas they could be repressed most efficiently without ei- cution, and conviction of such pirates, to give authority ther blockading them, or arming the merchantmen, he to the crews of the armed vessels of the United States, was opposed to both measures. under such instructions as may be given them, to land Mr. HAYNE said, that as the Chairman of the Com- on the said islands, in search of pirates, and there to mittee, (Mr. BARBOUR,) had expressed a wish that those subdue, vanquish, and capture them, and bring them to gentlemen who would, under any circumstance, support the United States for trial and adjudication, as the said a blockade, would not now vote for striking out the instructions of the President of the United States may clause, because, if they should fail to put it in the shape prescribe: and further, to authorize reprisals on the they preferred, it would still be in their power to ex-commerce and property of the inhabitants of the said punge the section, when the bill should be reported to islands." the Senate, he was disposed to comply with the wishes of the chairman in that respect, and would, therefore, vote against striking out the clause at this time. He should do this, however, with the express understanding, that when the bill should be reported to the Senate, he would move to strike it out, unless it should receive the modifications for which he had contended-that is to say, unless the authority to resort to a blockade should be made to depend on the failure of all the other means provided by the act, and then it should be resorted to as a measure of reprisal, and in concert with other powers, or after proper communications with them.

On motion of Mr. BARBOUR, the proposed amendment and instructions were ordered to be printed; and The Senate adjourned.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES-SAME DAY.

CREEK INDIAN NEGOTIATION. The resolution offered yesterday by Mr. FORSYTH, calling for the report of the Commissioners appointed to treat with the Creek Indians for a cession of their lands, was taken up.

Mr. FORSYTH said, as he wished to attract the atThe gentleman from North Carolina had asked, why tention of the House and of the public to a subject of will we go further on this subject than is necessary for very great interest to the state of Georgia, he would the object? Mr. H. would answer him in one word.-state what had been communicated to him respecting it. I believe, said he, that the employment of the naval means of the country will be sufficient for the suppression of piracy, if properly directed; but, as many of my friends think otherwise, and the officers of the government, who will be responsible for the execution of our measures, do not concur in that opinion, I am bound to suppose that I may be mistaken; and, as there will be a long interval between the adjournment of the present and the commencement of the next session of Congress, I am willing to put additional means at the disposal of the Executive, to be resorted to in the event of the failure of all others; for God forbid, sir, that the life of a single citizen should be sacrified by any remissness on our part, in providing all the means that may become necessary. The question was then taken on striking out the third section, and decided in the affirmative, by yeas and nays, as follows:

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The law of the last session, making an appropriation for the extinguishment of the Creek title to lands in Georgia, was founded on a document seat by the President to Congress: a letter from the Commissioners, who had been holding a talk with the Cherokees, which stated, on the authority of the Creek Indian agent, and some of the Creek Chiefs, that that was a favorable time for a treaty with the tribe. After the act passed, when he could not tell, orders were given to the agent to collect them at the Broken Arrow. While this act was under the consideration of a committee, the Indian agent was in Washington, and certain Cherokee chiefs, whose treatment by the Executive, and pretensions, would be recollected. They came to protest against all appro priations to purchase lands from them, and to declare they would dispose of no more, either by sale or exchange. Not satisfied with their own success, they were disposed to extend the benefits of their negotiation to the neighboring tribes. Mr. F. understood that one of the chiefs had sent all their correspondence with the Secretary of War, &c. to the Big Warrior, advising that the Creeks should follow their example. However that might be, certain it was, that some of the Creek chiefs

YEAS.-Messrs. Barton, Bell, Benton, Bouligny, Branch, Brown, Chandler, Clayton, Cobb, D'Wolf, Dickerson, Edwards, Elliott, Findlay, Gaillard, Holmes, of Maine, King, of Alab. King, of N. Y. Knight, Lanman, Lloyd, of Md. Lowrie, McIlvaine, McLean, Macon, Palmer, Parrott, Ruggles, Seymour, Smith, Talbot, Taylor, Tazewell, Thomas, Van Buren, Van Dyke, Wil-had a meeting at Tuckabotchee, in Alabama, near the liams.-37.

NAYS.-Messrs. Barbour, Eaton, Hayne, Holmes, of Miss. Jackson, Johnson, of Ken. Johnston, of Lou. Kelly, Lloyd, of Mass. Mills.-10.

town of Montgomery, and determined to follow the pattern of the Cherokees. Not satisfied with this, as the meeting called by the agent was to take place in November, another meeting was held by the Creeks, at

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