FEB. 1, 1825.]

Pole Cat Spring, in October, and the determination made at Tuckabotchee was confirmed, and ordered to be made public. The two documents were published as a sort of manifesto to the world that no more Creek lands would be sold to the United States. These docuinents were signed by the Little Prince, his mark, by the King Big Warrior, his mark; the Head Wolf, his mark, &c.; none of the persons signing the first being able to read or write, and but one or two who signed the second. The Commissioners of the United States, on their way to the Broken Arrow, heard, for the first time, of these strange papers, the Indian agent not having considered it his duty either to prevent the determination they announced, or to communicate them to the War Department; the sub-agent, who ate the bread of the United States, was active in promoting these determinations, and was supposed to be the Secretary of one, if not both the meetings. The Commissioners found the Creeks, to the number of ten or fifteen thousand, assembled at the Broken Arrow, ready to assist in consuming the fifty thousand dollars appropriated by Congress tor the expenses of the treaty. Their Chiefs, living in Alabama, determined not to make a treaty; the sub-agent, actively employed to defeat the wishes of the Government, and the principal agent acting a part of dignified neutrality, because he had not been instructed by the Secretary of the Department of War to promote the views of Congress, no treaty could be formed, as might have been expected. Notwithstanding the manifesto of the Chiefs, the hostility of the sub-agent, and the dignified neutrality of the principal, the Commissioners found twenty-four Chiefs, representing all the Indians residing in Georgia, willing to remove to the West, and give up all the land occupied by them —all the Creek Indian claim in the limits of that state. These Chiefs represented about ten thousand Indians,and their price, including all the expenses for their removal, was $300,000. Unfortunately, the Commissioners did not conceive themselves authorized to make a contract with them. One of the Commisioners came to this place to ask that authority from the Executive. It was not given, New instructions had been given, and a new meeting was to be held, from which the President seemed to expect a more favorable result. Mr. F. ap. prehended that the present effort would not be more fortunate than the last. Mr. F. said he felt great reluctance to state what he had been informed the Executive had directed to be done in this stage of things. He hoped that the documents might shew that he was misinformed. For their insolent interference to obstruct the execution of one of the laws of the United States, the wishes of Congress, and the instructions of the Executive, the Cherokee Chiefs were to be reproved by the Secretary of War. The principal Creek agent, who was a dignified neutral between his own Government and the Creeks; who thought a law of Congress, and the instructions of the Executive to the Commissioners, not sufficient to make it his duty to act with the Commissioners; he was to be reprimanded by the Secretary of War. The only decisive step, was the removal of the sub-agent. The successor of the sub-agent, no noubt warned by the fate of his predecessor, would take care to ape the conduct of the principal, and be ostensibly neutral, secretly hostile. Such were the circumstances under which Mr. F. had felt it his duty to bring the subject before the House, by his resolution, adopted yesterday, and that now under consideration. The President, in his late message to Congress, had connected the performance of the obligations of the United States to Georgia, with the great plan of collecting all the Indians in our Western territory, for the pur. pose of civilizing them. Of this plan, it was not now proper to speak. It might be wise, humane, and politic, but Mr. F. protested against connecting the perform

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ance of the obligations of the United States, under the act of cession of 1802, with that plan. He should consider a determination to that effect as an indefinite postponement of justice to Georgia. He hoped the Committee on Indian Affairs would consider them separately, and bring the two subjects separately and distinctly before the House, whatever might be their opinions upon them. The resolution was then agreed to without opposition.


The House then passed to the unfinished business of yesterday, which was the bill making appropriations for the support of Government for the year 1825. On that section of the bill which makes appropriation for the public buildings in Washington City, Mr.COCKE, of Tenn., moved an amendment, which went to provide that no part of the sum appropriated, should be applied to pay the sum offered by the Commissioner of the Public Buildings for a design to ornament the tympanum of the Portico of the Capitol. On this amendment some conversation arose between the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means and the member from Tennessee. It was stated, on one hand, that the offer made by the Commissioner was done in consequence of the advice and direction of the Executive; that it was in coincidence with the course pursued on other similar cases; that the ornament for the Capitol was fit and necessary; and the reward calculated to call forth taste and genius in preparing it, &c. On the other hand, it was contended that the providing of this design was a part of the duty of the architect, who receives a salary for his services—that the offer was unauthorized on the part of the Commissioner, and unnecessary. The amendment, however, was at length withdrawn by the mover. The following, among other items, were added by way of amendment to this bill: “For repairs to the General Post Office and yard, $2,000.” “For paving the footway in front of the public ground on the South side of the Pennsylvania Avenue, between the Capitol and the Navy Office, and for placing stone steps at the several entrances of the Navy Office, $6,161 97.” A second section was added to the bill, on motion of Mr. McLANE, in the usual form, prohibiting payment of moneys, appropriated by this act, to persons indebted to the United States, until their arrears shall be paid. And a third section was added, on motion of Mr. WINTON, of Ohio, in the words following: “Scc. 3. That the Secretary of the Treasury be, and he is hereby, authorized and required to pay, out of any money in the Treasury, not otherwise appropriated, the sum or sums of money to which any person, or the legal representative of any person, may be entitled, by virtue of an act authorizing repayment for land erroneously sold by the United States, upon such person, or his or her legal representative, complying with the requisitions of that act.” Among other amendments proposed, Mr. Cogro moved to double the appropriation for compensating the messengers who bring to the seat of Government the votes for President and Vice President: and a desultory debate rose on the motion, in which Messrs. McLANE, COCKE, TAYLOR, COOK, WEłł. STER, and TUCKER, took part. The amendment was finally withdrawn, there being already a bill passed by the Senate, now before a committee of the House, on the same subject, and it being considered more proper to act upon the subject directly by that bill. Mr. TATTNALL, of Georgia, moved to add so the bill a clause, making provision for the payment of Georgia militia claims, of the period of 1793–94, in which he was supported by Mr. FORSYTH. A question of

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order arose, which gave occasion to considerable discussion on the part of Messrs. TATTNALL, TAYLOR, FORSYTH, HAMILTON, CAMPBELL, GLAY, and WEBSTER. It was finally decided, that, inasmuch as the report of the Committee on Military Affairs, in respect to those claims, had been taken from a committee of the whole, and recommitted to the committee, with instructions, it was not in order to introduce a proposition into this bill on that subject. The committee then rose, and reported the bill, as amended, and it was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading. The House then went into committee of the whole, Mr. LATHROP in the chair, on the bill “making appropriations for the Military Service of the United States, for the year 1825;” which was amended, by the addition of a clause appropriating, for the expense of surveys, &c. made under the act to provide for internal improvements, $28,567, and then ordered to a third reading. The same committee then took up the bill “making appropriations for the support of the Navy of the United States, for the year 1825.” Mr. COCKE moved to reduce the amount of the appropriation for contingent expenses of the navy, from $200,000 to $195,000. The motion was resisted by Mr. McLANE, who declared himself ready to prove, by documentary evidence, that the whole amount had been devoted to the objects designated by law, and to those only, and that, instead of being too great, it was, in fact, too small, to meet the necessities of the service. The motion of Mr. COCKE was negatived. The contingent fund (for officers’ transportation, &c.) which had, but last year, been reduced from 14,000 to 9,000 dollars, was again raised to its former amount, and the 5,000 in arrears for the last year, was provided for by a distinct item of appropriation. The committee then rose, and reported the bill, which, as amended, was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.

IN SENATE.-W.E.D.NEsnay, FEBRUARY 2, 1825.


The Senate again took up the bill “for the Suppres. sion of Piracy.” The following motion, made yesterday, by Mr. WAN BUREN, being still pending, viz: Resolved, That the bill “For the Suppression of Piracy in the West Indies,” be recommitted to the Committee on Foreign Relations, with instructions to report amendments thereto, giving power to the President, on its being satisfactorily proved to him that any of the pirates mentioned in the said act, find refuge in any of the cities or ports of the said Island of Cuba, or other Islands mentioned in the said bill, and that the local Governments of the said Islands, on being requested so to do, neglect or refuse to aid in the apprehension, prosecution, and conviction of such pirates, to give authority to the crews of the armed vessels of the United States, under such instructions as may be given them, to hand or, the said Islands, in search of pirates, and there to subdue, vanquish, and capture them, and bring them to the United States for trial and adjudication, as the said instructions of the President of the United States may prescribe: and further, to authorize reprisals on the commerce and property of the inhabitants of the said Islands. Mr. BARBOUR made a few remarks against the principle proposed in the instructions, and also against recommitting the bill to the Committee on Foreign Relations. Mr. VAN BUREN replied to Mr. B. and had no disposition to burthen the committee with a duty which was not acceptable. As there were many propositions before the Senate for amending the bill, he wished it re

committed for the purpose of receiving such shape as would be generally agreeable to the Senate ; but he would waive his motion until the sense of the Senate had been expressed on those anendments; and he accordingly, for the present, withdrew it. The question then recurred on the following section, which Mr. HOLMES, of Maine, yesterday offered, viz: “Sec. 3. ...And be it further enacted, That no public armed vessel of the United States, authorized and employed for the suppression of piracy, shall be engaged or employed in the transportation of specie, or any other article of freight, unles... specially designated therefor by the President of the United States.” Mr. COBB, of Georgia, moved to strike out the words “unless specially designated therefor by the President of the United States.” Mr. COBB said he thought, from the documents which had been communicated by the Executive, it was sufficiently evident that this business of the transportation of specie in public armed vessels of the United States must be a source of great emolument to those engaged in it. The officers of our naval force being like other men, would be unwilling to relinquish so profitable a trade, and it was a strong impression on his mind, that, so long as the practice continued, piracy never would be suppressed. If piracy were suppressed, there would be no further occasion for their being employed, but, so long as it continued, this system of jobbing would be pursued. Every temptation ought to be removed that would induce them to lax in the discharge of their duties. Let them be employed in the suppression of piracy alone. Mr. HOLMES, of Maine, said, he understood it had been the practice for the President of the United States to designate the vessels which should be employed in this service of the transportation of specie—but there was nothing prohibitory, in the law and regulations against other vessels doing the same. The consequence had been, that some part of the squadron had been employed in the transportation of specie. He should be unwilling to prevent the Executive designating, if he should see fit, the vessels which should be employed in the transportasion of specie; but, at the same time, to say that other public armed vessels, not so designated, should not be so employed, would be to strike at the root of the evil. He thought piracy would have been suppressed by this time, had it not been for the cupidity of our naval officers. Mr. LLOYD, of Mass., said, that, in the documents on the table, there was but one allegation, and that by an individual, to prove that the public vessels had quitted their station, to transport specie, and had thus left the commerce unprotected. He doubted the existence of this fact to any great extent, and certainly the Senate ought not to legislate on it without having the fullest and most authentic information as to the extent of the practice. They ought, in his opinion, to apply for information to that Department which knew what had been done. There was a regulation by which every officer was obliged to report, on his return home, what he had received ; therefore, if the Senate called for information, there was no doubt of its being furnished. Mr. L. said he would suppose that an insurrection should break out in a town where our vessels were stationedHavana for instance—what would be the consequence 2 Our merchants had large sums of money there, and had no vessels to carry it away; it would be lost, because the public vessels would be forbidden, by law, to carry it away. Mr. L. said he was willing to agree with the gentleman from Maine, as to prohibiting the transportation of specie, excepting with instructions from the President or head of the Navy Department, but he hoped that his amendment would not go farther, Mr. COBB said that the gentleman from Massachusetts seemed to doubt the authenticity of the statement

Feb. 2, 1825.3

which had been made; but his (Mr. C's) reasons for not doubting it was this: those documents had been presented to the Senate by the Navy Department, and if that Department had not believed in their authenticity they would never have communicated them. What has thus been laid before us, said Mr. C. is a convincing reason why piracy has not been suppressed, and it is the particular reason of my making the motion. The trade of transporting specie must afford great profit to the naval officers who are engaged in it. This temptation is such as to draw their attention from subjects of infinitely greater importance, and unless it is removed they never will perform their duty. Mr. MILLS, of Massachusetts, thought that the amendment would operate to a greater extent than was anticipated. All public armed vessels were authorized to suppress pirates wherever they met with them. The amendment would go to prohibit the transportation of specie in public armed vessels altogether. Piracy did not exist in the West Indies alone. By act of Congress, the slave trade was piracy, and slave dealers were pirates; therefore, a vessel on the coast of Africa would be prohibited transporting specie as well as a vessel in the West India seas. The modification suggested by his colleague, (Mr. Lloyn,) would have been more proper than this; for that would have prohibited at once all armed vessels transporting specie. The question was then taken on Mr. COBB’S amendment, and lost. Mr. CHANDLER moved to amend the section so as to prohibit all public armed vessels whatever from transporting specie, except such as should be specially designated by the President of the United States for the purpose; and he said that he was well satisfied that this traffic prevented piracy from being suppressed. The gentlemen of the Navy would, no doubt, like to make a little profit when they could do it legally, and on some stations the practice was very lucrative. Sometimes one commanding officer would have the benefit, some. times another. Some would make more, and some nothing at all, which produced a soreness amongst the gentlemen of the Navy, while it seemed to divert their attention from the real and important object in view ; and as long as this practice continued, the service must suffer by it. It should, therefore, be prohibited, except where the President thought it necessary to point out certain vessels to perform that duty. Mr. HOLMES, of Maine, said he always thought it was necessary to confine legislation to the subject matter before them—they were now providing for the suppression of piracy, and he hoped they would confine themselves to that subject. If they wished to enact a general law for the regulation of the Navy, they ought to do so. It was a misfortune, he said, that there was not a naval peace establishment adopted, and he thought it was time there was one; but it could not be provided for in a bill intended for a different purpose. The want of such a law had produced all the evils complained of, and many more; and one principle which ought to be in such a law, was that which his colleague had suggested. They had not yet been able to pass a general bill, or to do any thing more for the regulation of the Navy than regarded the pay of the sailors; and the pay of the officers was provided for only by restrictions in the appropriation bill. He regretted these things was not more specially provided for, but it was not regular to attempt it in a bill of this sort. If the Legislature confined themselves to the object before them, he thought they could not miss it. With regard to his own amendment, he thought it was a proper one. Some were of opinion be had gone too far, but others thought he had not gone far enough. He agreed with the gentleman from Mass. that the l’resident ought to have the power of designating the vessels which should be employed, but he could not make the amendment he suggested.

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Mr LLOYD, of Md., said, that last session the Senate had passed a bill regulating the transportation of specie, and sent it to the other House, but it was not acted on. They had also passed a bill authorizing the building of ten sloops of war, but it had not been acted on. Were they to be told that these sloops of war were necessary for the suppression of piracy, or that they were intended exclusively for that object? No; they were necessary for our service, and he believed it was enough to author. ize a law to build them, no matter whether they were connected with the piratical or any other question. He was very anxious to suppress this transportation of specie in public armed vessels. It was necessary, as far as regarded the moral and physical force of the Navy, that it should be prohibited, not only in the Gulf of Mexico, but in every part of the world. We were now beginning to feel the ill effects of this system; the squadron

sent to the Gulf of Mexico, was useless, from this cause. In the South sea this traffic - for such he must call it— was carried on to a greater extent than in any other part, and it would have the same effect in every part of the world-that of impairing the moral and physical force of the Navy. He did not perceive any thing incongruous in making this general provision in the bill for the suppression of piracy; it was as much connected with it as the bill for building ten sloops of war. He believed our naval officers to be the bravest and best on the face of the globe, but, if we placed temptations in their way, which it was not in the power of human nature to resist, we lessened their moral elevation, and lowered that chivalrous character which they ought always to preserve . He did not suspect them of sacrificing their duty, but it was necessary to guard them from all those temptations which might induce them to do so. The moment a soldier or officer lost that high principle which ought to characterize a military man, and became a trader in gold and silver, that moment his moral force was destroyed. What danger could result to the interest of this country from regulating the transportation of specie 2 They would not allow the President to point out where it should be carried. Did they doubt that he would ever refuse to transport the specie of the citizens of America? If they did doubt it, they must suppose he was unmindful of the interest of those citizens. It might be necessary, and in many instances be proper, to transport specie in armed vessels, but let this specie belong to the citizens of America, and not that belonging to foreign powers. If this provision were made, it would redound to the benefit of the commere of the country, and the good of the Navy; and as they could not get this provision in a direct bill, they would be satisfied to procure it otherwise. Mr. Lloy D, of Massachusetts, said, the current was running very strong against the transportation of specie in public vessels; but he believed it to be a very useful thing. It was not at all a novel principle, but had been acted upon by Great Britain for ages. She expressly authorized her naval efficers to do it. If abuses crept into this system, why were they not remedied ? why put this sweeping restriction on it He believed it was a thing which might be easily regulated. If the President were required to designate the vessels which were to perform this duty, how could he possibly do it? how could he foresee what occurrences might take place, or what changes or emergencies happen in the West Indies or elsewhere? Mr. L. observed there had been a sweeping denunciation pronounced against the whole of the n val officers employed in the West India service. Would the Senate sanction such a charge as this without properly ascertaining the facts on which it was founded ? He looked upon it in a very serious light. If the gentleman would so modify his resolution as to prohibit the trans

portation of specie, except with instructions from the |President, he would agree with him. As this charge limad been seriously made, this bill should lie on the ta

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Suppression of Piracy.

[FER. 2, 1825.

ble with the amendment, till they could ascertain what were the instructions given by the Secretary of the Navy to the officers, as regarded the transportation of specie, and to what extent the practice had prevailed. Mr. SMITH said he was against the motion made by the gentleman from Maine, (Mr. CaANnden.) The officers of the Navy had not, in his opinion, done anything to draw censure on them; they had acted according to their instructions. [Here Mr. SM1th quoted the instructions from the documents on the table.] These, said Mr. S. being the instructions, no possible blame could be attached to the officers of the Navy, for conforming to them. Mr. S. then remarked that we carried on a great and increasing trade through Alvarado and Tampico; the returns were principally in specie, for there was nothing else to be got there, and it was very unsafe to trust this on board of unarmed vessels. Government might direct one vessel, and one only, to transport the specie, but, without that protection, it would be very dangerous to carry on the trade. Our manufactures, said Mr. S. are preferred to all others in the South American market, and our merchants had established their agents in the interior, to whom they sent their manufactures for sale—the returns were generally in specie; and would they endanger this trade, for fear that the naval officers should be drawn away from their employment He could not understand this. The amendment, as it now stood, without any alteration to it, was a very good one. It might be, Mr. S. said, that the prejudices of education prevented him from seeing any harm that could arise from ships of war bringing home money from the Paci. fic. The trade there brought much money into the U. States. The instructions forbid the Captains, on that coast, from bringing home any money but what belongs to merchants of the United States. You pass this bill, said Mr. S. and it is an interdict. How are your officers to know of the passage of this bill providing against it or how is the President to designate the vessel that is to be employed Large sums of money are there belonging to merchants. The agents wish to remit it, but the Captain who is there may not, under this amendment, take it, because he is not the Captain designated. We have a very extensive trade with South America. From the Middle States we supply them with vast quantities of flour in particular. They sell their cargoes at Lima. Part of the produce of the sale they lay out in copper, and the rest they have to send home in specie. But now they will be utterly unable to do so, unless the very vessel the President has designated happens to be on the spot. A great evil will arise from this, because the merchants will be compelled to send their money home in unarmed vessels. This will be known, and pirates will lay in wait for, and capture them. If our naval officers do now and then make a little money, by bringing home specie, I, said Mr S. shall be very well pleased. Their o is merely a living, and their obtaining a little money y these means, does harm to nobody. Your trade in the Pacific does not suffer by it. The British allow their Captains, on the station, to make what they can, and they not only bring home money for their own merchants, but bring it for any other party that will pay them for it. It consequently has become a drug in England. What we forbid, they take. I spoke lately with an of ficer, who informed me that he was requested to bring home a sum of about two millions of dollars, but he dare not do it; and the British did, and received the premium for it. . if the officer had been allowed to have done it, he would have made a considerable sum of money, and this quantity of specie would have been introduced into this country, instead of being carried to England. The proposed amendment, Mr. S. thought, would create a great evil to remedy a smail one. Mr. CHANDLER said he had never, before this time, been given to understand that the object of building a

fleet was to make them carriers of gold and silverfor the profit of the officers of the Navy. He did not think the amendment would operate, as his friend from Maryland seemed to think it would ; if the amendment succeeded, the President might authorize all ships to be carriers, and under such circumstances as he might direct. Mr. C. said his object was not to prevent the carrying of specie, under any circumstances whatever, but, if it were to be carried at all, the Navy ought not to profit by it— if their pay was not sufficient, he would say, give them more, but do not let them depend on individual merchants of the United States for their compensation. Mr. LLOYD, of Maryland, said, that he had engaged unexpectedly in the debate. He had certainly been misunderstood if he had been supposed to have said, or intended to have said, any thing disrespectful of the officers of the Navy generally. He believed they were inferior to none in respectability; but they were like other classes of men, and there might be some amongst them who were not quite what they ought to be. They were not now erecting a tribunal to decide on the merits of their naval officers—they were trying now to erect a system for the suppression of piracy, by which they might remove all the obstacles which were stated to them by the President, as existing unfavorable to that view. They were told, amongst other things, by the respectable agent, (Mr. Randall,) that the transportation of specie through the Gulf of Mexico, has been one of the means of preventing the suppression of piracy. Was the Senate to wait till these officers were tried by Court Martial before it gave credence to the President of the United States ? for, Mr. L. said, he considered the documents being communicated to the Senate, a sufficient proof that the President believed them to be true. This evidence sufficiently proved, that the system of transporting specie had been destructive to the discipline of the squadron in that quarter. What, then, were they to do 2 . They were, if possible, to prevent a recurrence of that system, and, in so doing,they should not pretend to decide on the guilt or innocence of the of ficers who have commanded on that station. They were told that it was necessary that this practice should be suppressed: therefore, they ought to pass the amendment now proposed. . He repeated he meant no reflection on the officers of the Navy generally. He was told by his colleague, that, to remove a small evil, a greater one was to be created; that there was a very profitable trade between the United States and the Pacific ; that the returns were made in specie, and it was necessary that our ships should transport this specie. But he would ask him, where any considerable trade was carried on with these ports, was there a single dollar brought home in public armed vessels The trade, said Mr. L. was carried on in unarmed vessels, and, month after month, vessels arrived at Baltimore, bringing home large amounts in specie—and, if this trade could be carried on in safety to Baltimore, it could be carried on to any other ports of the Union, without the intervention of public armed vessels. With regard to the transportation of specie from the

Pacific, Mr. L. said, it did not often occur that the public armed vessels brought home much from that part of the world. The money made by transportation did not result from the home trade, but from carrying money from port to port in South America. This traffic, Mr. L. contended, was a violation of the laws of naticus ; our ships of war were converted into insurance offices : the money of the belligerants was put on board, and our officers received the premiums. This ought certainly to be prohibited. The cupidity of the officers ought not to be suffered to compromise the peace of the nation. Nothing but the weakness of the different powers in that part of the world, had prevented our vessels from being attacked on these very grounds. If England and France were at war, would such a thing be suffered?

FEB. 2, 1825.]

Doubtless it would not, and it did not become the dignity of Government to countenance an act towards a weak power, that she would not do towards a stronger one. Supposing that, after this amendment should have passed, a public armed vessel should transport specie, was there anything in this amendment to prevent it Till the law reached the Pacific, the commanders of vessels would act under the instructions they already had. If there were any vessel to carry out this law, and the President had time, he would inform the officers there at once, and would designate the vessel which was to bring home the specie, if it brought it to American citizens, and, if he had not time, they would act under the instructions they now had—and no injury would be done to the nationIn regard to the case cited of the British navy, Mr. L. observed that we had a navy which could stand on its own merits and required no precedent from the Bri. tish Navy to give it consequence; and we had departed, in many instances, from the practices of the British Navy, many of which were bad enough. Mr. HAYNE said, that this provision went to make a regulation which would affect the commerce of the United States to a great extent. The object of this bill was to suppress piracy in the West Indies, and any provision might be grafted on it that would tend to assist that object; they might declare the squadron should not be diverted from that one object: should not be sent to the coast of Africa or to Mexico; they might make any such limitations as those ; but, when they undertook to make a general regulation for the commerce and Navy of the United States, they opened a wide field for discussion, and it would be impossible to perceive where it would terminate. At the last session, this very point was determined, that the interest of commerce required that this privilege should not be altogether destroyed—but that it should be regulated; accordingly, it was submitted to a committee, and great attention was bestowed on it; a bill was reported for the regulation of the practice, and all agreed to it; and it was not their fault that this was not now a law. But, if the House said they would now go into the consideration of regulations for the transportation of specie, it would be necessary for them to rise, to move to amend the amendment of the gentleman from Maine, by adding the clauses of the bill of last session. Was the Senate prepared for this No. It would be better to suffer this bill to depend upon its own merits, and then he would agree with the gentleman on the proposition as related to the transportation of specie. This was a business of much importance to the commercial part of the Union, and he thought at least they ought to confine their deliberations to the object in view, which was the suppression of piracy in the West Indies. On the question being taken on Mr. CHANDLER'S amendment, it was decided in the negative. Mr. LLOYD, of Massachusetts, then moved to strike out of the section the words “specially designated,” and insert instead, the words in conformity with instructions. Mr. L. said, he did not like to undertake to make remarks, without having evidence before him; but he felt himself compelled to do so, to do away the impression that might be made by the observation of the gentleman from Maryland, (Mr. Lloyn,) that the public ships were converted into insurance offices. This would indeed be a belligerant measure, and would justify the detontion and capture of such ships. His impression was, that it would turn out, that this practice was prohibited by the instructions of the Navy inepartment, and there. fore the allegation would prove unfounded. Mr. L. :aid, we had lost at one time 100,000 dollars of specie, by there being no vessel at hand to take it way. He inquired how it was possible to point out which should

be the vessel? A large quantity of money might be

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collected together, and a vessel off the port refuse to take it, because she was not the vessel designated. Meanwhile an invading army might come down and carry off the specie, because the vessel designated to take it away, was a hundred miles off, and none other dared to do it. Mr. HOLMES, of Maine, said, that the President would point out the vessels on the West India station to perform that duty. There were vessels enough for that [... species of service, and the others should not e suffered to engage in it. He did not believe that the merchants were in any danger of losing their money by an insurrection in that quarter. The Senate, he said, were now legislating for the safety of the lives of their fellow-citizens, and to protect them against lawless butchers; and if the President gave general instructions to the fleet, there seemed to be but little danger of those instructions being abused. He esteemed the officers of the navy, but they were but men, and might become wicked, and might become so in proportion to the temptation. With all his affection for the navy, he had some fears that it was not on so good a standing as it was at the close of the last war. He was afraid that, if there were another war, instead of seeking the enemy as they hall done before, some would be found, who would be more inclined to act as privateers. Part of our navy was in port, and part employed, and there was scarcely a breeze that blew, but what brought intelligence of discord and disagreement among the officers. One half were engaged in sitting on courts-martial to try the others, and one of high rank was sent for home to answer for his conduct. What is the reason, said Mr. H. that, two years ago, our commerce and sailors were efficiently protected from the depredations of these pirates, and now it cannot be done, though in possession of the same means ? You are told by the document on the table, from your respectable agent in Cuba. I think we are bound to believe in it, taken in connexion with the supposition that the same effect is not now produced that was formerly, although the same means are employed. The complaint is made to you, and you are to prescribe the proper remedy, and you are doing it in endeavoring to restrain, in some measure, the evil complained of. Mr. BARBOUR expressed his regret that the amendment had ever been introduced at all. The attention of the Senate had been drawn off by it from the object in view, which was the bill to suppress piracy, to one which bore altogether a distinct character. Independent of any legislative measures on the subject, if information reached the proper department, to whom was imparted the capacity to regulate it, that the naval officers had not been sufficiently attentive to their duty, but had suffered themselves to be seduced from it, it would be their bounden duty to give the necessary instructions to put a stop to such abuses. Mr. B. inquired, whether it would not be possible to effect a compromise between the parties, so as to get clear of the general question in any instance, and to confine it to piracy in the West Indies. If, after the word piracy, aforesaid were added, it would get rid of all the difficulties. The effect of this provision would then be limited to the squadron in the West Indies. Mr. TAZEWELL observed, that there were pirates in many other parts of the world besides the West Indies. The difference between the object that his colleague had in view, and that of the gentleman from Massachusetts, would best be exhibited by supposing the word piracy struck out from the third section, and piracies aforesaid put in its place. There were pirates in many parts. Slave traders were pirates; pirates, there were found also in the East Indies, in the Straits of Sunda, and in the Pacific Ocean. . The object of this section was to impose restrictions by law, so that no public armed vessel, engaged in the suppression of piracy, should engage in the transportation of specie. But they

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