Sen. & H. of R.]

Suppression of Piracy.-Election of President.

wanted no instructions; they had them already; for it was a portion of the duty of every public vessel to suppress pirates, wherever they found them, and there was no better way of assisting commerce than to protect it from the depredations of these freebooters.

The question being on Mr. LLOYD'S motion to strike out the words "specially designated," and insert in conformity with instructions, was decided in the affirmative -ayes 27.

[FEB. 2, 1825.

there were, the fewer public vessels would be required to be on the station. It was important in the view of humanity—because, merchant vessels being always armed, would be able to defend themselves wherever they were attacked. They would be competent to destroy all those pirates who were in the habit of sallying out in small boats to commit their depredations.

Mr. LLOYD, of Massachusetts, said that this trade occupied a capital of seven millions of dollars, and that an average of two hundred vessels, comprising one hun

Mr. BARBOUR then moved the amendment he had just before suggested, (limiting the operation of the sec-dred thousand tons, were employed in it. Granting a tion to the West Indies,) and it was agreed to.

Mr. PARROTT moved to strike out the words "or any other articles of freight," because public vessels were seldom or never employed in transporting any thing but specie or bullion.

After some conversation, this motion was lost; and then

The question being taken on the section, it was rejected-ayes 18, noes 20.

privilege to arm would be of no service to the greater part of these vessels, to the many small traders from the ports of North Carolina, &c. because their profits would not admit of it. If it was meant that they should defend themselves, this bounty was the only means of enabling them to do it; and if that were not extended to them, they must give up the trade, which would become confined to a few wealthy individuals, who could afford

to arm.

Mr. SMITH proposed to fill the blank in his amendment with eight hundred dollars, that is, two hundred for each gun.

Mr. SMITH then moved the amendment which he had suggested some days before, and which is as follows: "And be it further enacted, That the Collectors of the several ports of the United States be, and they are here. Mr. EATON observed, that the expense which would by, authorized to pay to the owner or owners of any be incurred by Government from such a measure, might merchant vessel of the United States, which shall clear be greater than they were aware of. The number of out for, and bona fide be bound to, any island in the West ships were two hundred, and if they made only two voyIndies, north and west of the Island of St. Thomas, or ages a year, there would be a drain on the Treasury to any port in the Gulf of Mexico, north of the state of Co- the amount of two hundred and forty thousand dollars lombia, the sum of dollars, for every gun of a cali--a sum almost sufficient to build a handsome frigate. bre not less than four pounds, which may be mounted Besides, it might be made a matter of speculation: peron board such vessel: Provided, That the owner or own- sons might arm vessels, and when they got their clearers shall have furnished for each gun, at least thirty ance, they would receive the bounty, and were not rounds of ammunition, ten boarding pikes, and ten mus- obliged to go to Cuba. He submitted whether these kets, with at least thirty-six cartridges for each musket, things were not worthy of some consideration. and shall have furnished three men at least, for each The Senate then adjourned. gun so mounted: And provided, further, That such payment shall only be made on the report of the Surveyor of the port being produced to the said Collector, that such armament is actually on board such vessel, and such number of men had been engaged for the voyage. "And be it further enacted, That the President be, and he is hereby, authorized to purchase a steamboat, of the largest size, and arm and man the same in such a manner as he may deem proper; and, also, to cause to be built four barges or launches, each to mount a gun on the bow, of a calibre to carry a shot not less than six pounds, and capable of carrying thirty men."

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES-SAME DAY.

ELECTION OF PRESIDENT.

On motion of Mr. WRIGHT, of Ohio, the House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the state of the Union, and took up the report of the Select Committee appointed to prepare rules to be observed by the House in choosing a President of the United States.

The report was read through, and then,

The rules were read and considered separately. On the first rule some conversation took place between Mr. BASSET, of Va. and Mr. WRIGHT, the chairman of the Select Committee. No alteration, however, was made in the rule.

The second rule was then read, and no objections were made to it.

The third rule was read, as follows:

3d. The doors of the Hall shall be closed during the balloting, except against members of the Senate and the officers of the House; and the galleries shall be cleared on the request of the delegation of any one state.

Mr. S. said, he was aware that the proposition which he had made, was, in some degree, opposed to the opinion expressed by the Secretary of the Navy; but, with all the respect he entertained for that gentleman, he must submit that some information had been given to the House which touched the welfare of the nation. He had generally been of opinion that they were a body instituted by the constitution to afford advice and assistance to the Government-that they were mutually useful in assisting each other. The great object of the bill was to destroy piracy. It was the duty of all to aid in the accomplishing of it, and the most effectual mode of Mr. INGHAM, of Pennsylvania, moved to amend this doing it would be to take from the pirates all hope of rule by striking out the last clause, viz: "and the galleprofit. When they found they were constantly resist- ries shall be cleared on the request of the delegation of any ed, and they risked their lives with but little chance of one State." Mr. I. stated that, as a member of the Seplunder, they would seek some more honest mode of lect Committee who had made the present report, he employment. But merchant vessels found it too expen-had, when this rule was brought forward in the commit. sive to arm. It consumed the profits of the voyage, which were never great. The object of this amendment was to induce them to arm, by assistance from Government, and he thought, if the insurance offices were to make a distinction between those vessels that were armed and those that were not, it would go far to make

them all arm.

Mr. MILLS expressed his approbation of the section that was under consideration. He thought it a matter of economy--because, the more armed merchantmen

tee, objected to that part of it which he now moved to strike out; and he had objected then, as he did now, to the clause in question, because he apprehended that there was no good reason for putting it in the power of the delegation of a single state, (consisting, in some instances, of a single individual,) to clear the galleries of this House. He could not conceive that there was any need to go into conclave in order to conduct the ap proaching election. It was not a measure involving our relations with foreign nations, but a matter of a purely

FEB. 2, 1825.]

it would be stricken out.

the representatives of this people, standing on this floor to vote or to debate, are improperly to be controlled, it is in those galleries that the object is to be effected. If ever popular tumult, and a general excitement of national feeling, are to jeopardize the freedom, and endanger the purity, of this body, it is in those galleries that they will shew their power.

domestic character. Yet this rule enforces secrecy, in regard to the transaction, if required even by a single individual, and that in the most obnoxious form. He had rather have the rule made absolute at once, and say that the galleries, as well as the doors of the House, should be closed, than to give authority to the delegation of one state to have them cleared. He was at a loss to account for such a proposition.. He supposed that there For his own part, Mr. M'L. said, he thought that, in must be some special reason for granting such a power, so important an act as the choice of the Chief Magistrate but he could not conceive what it was. Was any distrust of this nation, it was fit and becoming that members entertained of the personal safety of members of this should be left to act from the cool dictates of their judg House? Surely, the power of the Speaker over the gal-ment, and that they alone were the judges how they leries would be as great on the contemplated occasion, ought to act. With them, the constitution had entrusted as at the present moment; and the existing rules of the the duty, and there it might be safely trusted. Mr. M'L. House clothed him with full authority to have the gal- said, that he made these remarks from the fullest conleries cleared in case of disorder. Believing that no viction of their truth. He thought that now, in a time good reason existed for the clause in question, he hoped of public tranquillity, a precedent might be set that would prove valuable hereafter. He felt great deferMr. McLANE, of Delaware, said, that, when the hon-ence, also, for the precedent that had been already esorable member from Pennsylvania rose, he had been tablished in this respect. At the election of a Presiabout to offer an amendment to the rule, in conformity dent in 1801, this subject had been entrusted to able with the opinion he had expressed, when in committee; hands, and, after full deliberation, they had thought it and he should now acquiesce in the amendment which expedient to admit no person as a spectator of the electhat gentleman had offered, provided the principle on tion but members of the Senate and officers of this which he himself wished to go, was adopted by the House, and the election was so conducted. House. He was for clearing the galleries altogether, Mr. BUCHANAN said he rose with diffidence to exwithout leaving it to the delegation of any state to re- press his opinion upon this subject. Like his friend quire that it should be done. In giving his reasons, in from Delaware, (Mr. M'LANE,) he disclaimed the inten favor of this course, he wished it to be distinctly under- tion of making any remark which might have an allusion stood, that any remarks he might make, had no reference, to the peculiar situation of the members of this House, whatever, to the peculiar state of things existing at the in regard to the approaching election. He considered present moment. He thought the question ought to be the present to be a question of great importance, and treated as involving an important precedent, and ought that its decision would establish a precedent, which, in to be considered on principles that were to govern on future times, might have a powerful influence upon the this occasion, and all others; not only now, but hereaf-interests of this country. He was sorry to say he had ter. He felt himself called on by his duty, to state these arrived at a conclusion in direct opposition to that of his principles. He felt, very fully, the responsibility of his friend from Delaware, (Mr. M'LANE.) The reasons situation, and wished to assert the rights which he con- which had led him to that result, he would state to the ceived to pertain to the members of this House, at the House. present moment, while the nation was in a state of calmness and quiet; a time peculiarly favorable for the adoption of rules calculated to provide for a season of great party excitement.

The American people, said Mr. B. have a right to be present and inspect all the proceedings of their representatives, unless their own interest forbids it. In relation to our concerns with foreign Governments, it may become necessary to close our galleries. Our designs, in such cases, might be frustrated, if secrecy were not, for a time, preserved. Whenever there shall be disor der in the gallery, we have also a right to clear it, and are not bound to suffer our proceedings to be interrupted. Except in these cases, he at present could recollect none which would justify the House in excluding the people.

Mr. McLANE asked, Why ought the galleries to be open? Why must this balloting be conducted in public? In electing a President, the members of the House were called to act, not as Representatives of the people, but, as umpires, to do that which the people have tried to do, and have not been able to accomplish. The people have tried to elect a President: they have failed to do so. The House of Representatives are then empowered to choose one for them. This power is not dele- In electing a President of the United States, said Mr. gated to them by their constituents, but by the Consti- B. we are, in my opinion, peculiarly the representatives tution: and, in exercising it, they have no peculiar rela- of the people. On that important occasion we shall, tion to their constituents, and are not responsible to emphatically, represent their majesty. We do not make them, further than every honest man is responsible to his a President for ourselves only, but also for the whole conscience and his country for his public acts. He should people of the United States. They have a right to inconsider the question now presented as a new one, and sist that it shall be done in public. He, therefore, pro. should put wholly aside what had at any time been done tested against going into a secret conclave, when the respecting it Who (asked Mr. M'L.) has a right to in- House should decide this all important question. He spect my decision between conflicting claims to the said that the doctrine of the gentleman from Delaware, Presidency? In ordinary cases he granted that the peo- (Mr. M'LANE,) was altogether new to his mind. That ple had a right to look to the acts of their Representa- gentleman has alleged that we are called upon to elect tives, and exercise a sort of inspection over them. Yet, a President, not as the representatives of the people, even this was not always permitted to them by the Con- but by virtue of the constitution. Sir, said Mr. B. who stitution. It provides that, in certain cases, the public created the constitution? Was it not the people of the eye shall be excluded, either when the subject of de- United States? And did they not, by this very instruliberation is of such a nature that an important public ment, delegate to us, as representatives, the power of measure must be frustrated, if prematurely disclosed, or electing a President for them? It is by virtue of this when, from the excited state of public feeling, an im-instrument we hold our seats here. And, if there be any proper influence is apprehended, as endangering the freedom of debate. No such state of feeling existed now, but it not only might exist, and that in an alarming degree, but to such a degree as to become wholly irresistible. If the principle shall once be established, that

case in which we are bound to obey their will, this is peculiarly that one. To then we must be answerable for the proper exercise of this duty.

What are the corsequences, said Mr. B. which will result from closing the doors of the gallery ? We shall

H. of R.]

Election of President.

[FEB. 2, 1825.

impart to the election an air of mystery. We shall give tion of a single state? He saw no reason. Why, asked exercise to the imaginations of the multitude, in conjecturing what scenes are acting within this Hall. Busy Rumour, with her hundred tongues, will circulate reports of wicked combinations, and of corruption, which have no existence. Let the people see what we are doing; let them know that it is neither more nor less than putting our ballots into the boxes, and they will soon become satisfied with the spectacie, and retire.

Mr. L. are gentlemen so much alarmed? He was persuaded that no more disorder was to be apprehended from the gallery, in conducting an election of President of the United States, than in choosing a Sergeant-atArms for this House. For himself, he hated all mystery. He considered it a characteristic attendant of tyrannical governments, and he thought that the proposal to conduct this election in secret, was a proof that we were not yet quite divested of certain old notions, which our ancestors brought with them from the other side of the Atlantic. He hoped that all that would be done, on this occasion, would be done in a plain, manly, simple, reMr. WEBSTER, of Massachusetts, would say a few at the Seat of Government, was occasioned, in a consi- words on the question, premising, that more importance derable degree, by their exclusion from the gallery.- seemed to be attached to it than he thought belonged They came in crowds into the House, but were prohibit- to it. He presumed no practical inconvenience would ed from entering the Hall. Currents and counter-cur- arise, whether the motion prevailed or not; and yet, perrents of feeling kept them continually agitated. New haps, it might be well to consider the subject duly, as, conjectures of what was doing within, were constantly hereafter, possibly, the question might be of conse spreading among them. Mystery always gives birth to quence. He did not see any particular benefit arising suspicion. If those people had been permitted to enter, from providing that the galleries should, at all events, be much of the excitement which then prevailed would open. There could be no debate when the House was never have existed. proceeding in the election; and the voting must be by ballot. There was nothing to be done or said, but to give the ballots and count them. Something had been said of the superintendence which the people might exercise on this occasion, if the galleries were open.That was what he did not exactly understand. The people of the United States would hardly be in the gal lery. Some hundred or two of the inhabitants of this city, those who should get up earliest, and get seats first, would be accommodated in the gallery, and others could not get in. He believed that he himself, finding some difference of opinion in the committee, upon the former rule, had suggested this modification. He was entirely willing the galleries should be open; and yet he was entirely willing to have them closed, if any state-desired it. And, particularly, as it would be very inconvenient to discuss and settle these questions, after the House had begun to act as states, it seemed to him reasonable to make provision, before hand, for this, as for other cases. He regretted both that the gentleman from Pennsylvania wished to expunge the rule altogether, and that the gentleman from Delaware wished to shut the galle ries altogether. He thought the rule would do very well as it stood. It should be considered, that in some cases, very many persons were to express the voice of a state; in other cases, a single individual. Now, if either a numerous delegation, or a single individual representing a state, expressed a wish that spectators should not be admitted to the gallery, he was willing to indulge that request-so much the rule provided, and no more. He repeated, however, that he thought a very unsuitable and disproportionate importance might be given to this question, which he should much regret.

The gentleman from Delaware, (Mr. M'LANE,) has urged upon us the precedent which now exists on this subject. Mr. B. said, he revered the men of former days, by whom this precedent was established. He had good reason, however, to believe, that the intense ex-publican manner. citement which existed at that time among the people,

It has been said, that there might, and probably would be disorder, if we admitted the people into the gallery. Mr. B. could scareely believe this possible. He had too high an opinion of the American people to suffer himself to entertain such an apprehension. Should we, how. ever, be mistaken, where is the power of the Speaker? Where that of the House? We can then turn them out, and we shall then have a sufficient apology for doing so. But, to declare, in the first instance, that they shall be excluded, upon the request of any one out of twentyfour states, would be a libel both upon the people of the United States and the members of this House. Mr. B. asked pardon for this expression, if it were considered too harsh.

Mr. B. said he knew well his friend from Delaware was willing that all his conduct, in regard to the Presidential question, should be exhibited before the public, and that it was principle, and principle alone, which had suggested his remarks.

That which gives this subject its chief importance, Mr. B. said, is the precedent. He was anxious that it should be settled on sure foundations. If the rule, in its present form, should be adopted, it may, and probably will, be dangerous in future times. At present, our Republic is in its infancy. At this time, he entertained no fear of corruption. In the approaching election, it can therefore make but little difference, whether the gallery shall be opened or closed. But the days of darkness may, and, unless we shall ecsape the fate of all other Republics, will come upon us. Corruption may yet stalk abroad over our happy land. When she aims a blow against the liberties of the people, it will be done in secret. Such deeds always shun the light of day.They can be perpetrated, with a much greater chance of success, in the secrecy of an electoral conclave, than when the proceedings of the House are fully exposed to the public view. Let us then establish a precedent, which will have a strong tendency to prevent corrupt practices hereafter.

Mr. B. concluded by observing that, whether we regard the precedent to be set, the nature of our government, our own character, or that of the people whom we represent, they all conspire to induce us to adopt the amendment.

Mr. LIVERMORE, of N. H. thought there was no necessity for any further rule in relation to the galleries, than that which now existed. Provision was already made to clear the galleries whenever the House thought proper. This was sufficient. Why should a majority of all the members surrender this power to the delega.

Mr. WRIGHT, of Ohio, said, that, individually, he had no objection to the amendment. If it were required to give publicity to the proceedings of the House, upon this subject, he should certainly favor it, because he was generally of opinion the affairs of the Government should be conducted openly in the face of the world, as he considered the Government as resting on the will and information of the people. But, Mr. W. said, in the discharge of the duties now to be undertaken, we ought to look to a future time, when the country shall be in a state of excitement, that shall reach and affect those in the galleries, and thence operate on the House. It will be recollected that the only time at which this House had heretofore exercised the power of electing a Presi dent, it had been solemnly decided the doors should be closed, except as to members of the Senate. That determination was not made without deliberation, but upon solemn debate, and by a vote by yeas and nays. Mr. W.

said he felt, in some measure, the influence of that precedent, and had never heard any objection to the mode of conducting the ballotings on that occasion.

[H. of R.

Constitution was formed, and that there was no more danger of disturbance now than then.

Whether gentlemen sat here as umpires and arbitrators, or as the representatives and organs of the people, was a question on which he certainly had an opinion, but which he did not consider it necessary at present to discuss. But, whether acting in one or the other capacity, he could not see why the gallery should be closed. The House had the power already to remove from it disturbers of the peace, and, if gentlemen meant so to conduct as to meet the approbation of their own consciences, they had no reason to fear those who would be in the gallery. And, if they were not afraid to have their conduct judged, why close the doors? All seemed to agree that no dangerous excitement existed at present. Was it, then, to be got up in two or three days, and to such a height as to threaten the safety or independence of the House? For himself, he could wish not only to have the people present, but that the votes of all the members were to be given viva voce. He regretted that there was any ballot at all on the question, and was utterly opposed to all closing of doors.

In reply to those who seemed to suppose it impossible that any disturbance should take place in the galleries, Mr. W. said he had an exalted opinion of the virtue and intelligence of the people; but we need not shut our eyes upon the evidence before us, and we need not go further back than one year for a most glaring instance of excitement and disorder in the gallery of a Legislative Hall of one of the states of this Union, while the Legislature were transacting business relating to the very election, the determination of which is now devolved on us by the Constitution; and perhaps, he said, it would not be going too far to say that excitement might be feared now. Gentlemen seemed to suppose that, by closing the doors, an injunction of secrecy was imposed on the members and officers of the House, in regard to the proceedings, and that the whole were to remain secret. That, Mr. W. said, was not the case-the rule proposed no such thing: publicity could easily be given to every thing done. The journals were free for inspection, and it was surely safer to rely on them, than reports from the Mr. HAMILTON, of S. C. observed, that he felt degalleries. It had been well observed by the gentleman sirous of detaining the committee a few moments in of from Massachusetts, (Mr. WEBSTER,) that all the pro-fering a remark or two on the subject before them. It ceedings relating to the election, were to be without de- seems to be a well settled conviction that it is a great bate; that, besides the ballotings, all were conducted by public misfortune that the election of a Chief Magistrate motion, second, and decision. This being the case, the should devolve on this House; and he would go further results were all that could be communicated to the peo- and say, that, in so devolving,it was perhaps a still greatple in the galleries, and they would be as well commu- er misfortune that the choice should be made by secret nicated at the doors of the House. All that those in balloting in the several and separate states, which, by the galleries could see or hear in addition to the results, its nature, precluded the public knowledge, which the would be the mechanical operation of dropping the bal- people ought to have, of the votes of their representa. lots into the boxes and lifting them out again. I, said tives, on a question so vitally interesting to them, and Mr. W. would vote as readily against the imposition of under sanctions so solemn and imposing. For one, he an injunction of secrecy, on the proceedings relating to was free to confess, as the people were precluded by the election, as the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. the very form of election, from this species of knowledge, INGHAM,) or any other gentleman on this floor; but I can- he was disposed to let them in as spectators to whatever not admit that any such proposition is embraced in this might pass in relation to the exercise of this great trust; rule, as it stands, and in making this remark, he concurred cordially with the gentleman from Ohio, in wishing that, in spreading all our acts and doings before the public eye, during the approaching contest, we could likewise subject each delegate to the direct responsibility of a viva voce suffrage. This being impossible, he was disposed to consider the assembly of such citizens as thought proper to come into our galleries, as curing, in a slight degree, the defect of which he had spoken, in the mode of election. They would have a contemporary opportunity of witnessing the vote of each state, and, thus, information, which it was right and proper that the people should have, would be promptly disseminated, in a form, he thought, better to keep the public mind quiet, than those thousand rumors and suspicions which naturally belong to mystery and concealment.

Sir, said Mr. W. it is not the people of the United States, the sober, thinking people, that will be found in your galleries on such occasions; no, they are at home, attending to their farms, their merchandise, their various other avocations; they will not assemble in the galleries, or be hereafter affected by the precedent you establish. It will be the artful, intriguing, designing politicians, from various parts of the country, to witness, and if it can be, to exert an improper influence, over your proceedings, and these I am not very solicitous to accommodate.

I hope, sir, the amendment will not prevail, and that we shall not, against the wish of any one state, keep the galleries open for the exertion of undue influence, or to place members in a situation where any one can suppose they are unduly operated on.

The gentleman from Delaware, however, meets this Mr. ROSS, of Ohio, observed, that, according to his subject at its threshold, by asking "what right any man understanding of the proposed rule, if it was adopted, has to go into the galleries to see what is doing in rethe proceedings of the House would remain, at least for gard to the election of a President?" I answer, because the time, completely in the dark. The demand of a that man happens to be one of the people, for whom we single state, not even seconded by another state, was are acting, and for whom we are choosing a Chief Magis to be of itself enough to compel the House to clear the strate; and because he has precisely as much right to galleries. Why was this rule to be adopted? The only witness the election in question as any act of ordinary reasons he had heard advanced were, that the House legislation; and according to the theory of this demomust go into this conclave from a fear of interruption-cracy, it is infinitely more expedient that he should witinterruption, not from themselves, but from the people in the gallery; that the people of the United States were not to be expected to be present here, and that those who attended in the gallery would be such as were not entitled to any consideration. This, according to his understanding, was the sum and substance of the reasons adduced in favor of the rule. But, for himself, he believed that the people of this country understood the rules of decorum as well now as they did when the

ness the one ceremony than the other. Mr. H. said, that he thought the popular eye would have a salutary influence in repressing any indecorum and violence, to which, in moments of peculiar agitation, the House, constituted as it was, was perhaps even more liable than the spectators in our galleries. They are fortunately exempt from many of those strong bias of favor and antipathy which may lamentably exert an influence within this bar.

H. of R.]

Election of President.

[FEB. 2, 1825.

satisfying our own consciences, the next best thing was to gratify the reasonable and honest purposes of those who send us here.

The gentleman from Delaware does not affirm that floor, and that he was in no greater degree responsible there is any danger at this time, in admitting our fellow to them, than to the rest of the country, for the selection citizens into the galleries; but he contends that, at a fu- which he should make of the person for whom he ture period, this House might be subject to intimidation should vote to fill the Presidency. It is not my business, from the violence of a mob, who would assemble to wit- said Mr. H. to quarrel with the principles or the opinions ness the scene, to which we are shortly to be summon- of the gentleman from Delaware, for whom I have pered. Sir, when that day of profligate violence arrives, sonally great respect, but, nevertheless, I hope I may the atrocity of which cannot be put down by the force of be pardoned for venturing to express my own. The public opinion-when a corps of such desperadoes are first obligation which a human being owes, is to his own permitted, for an instant, to exercise such an influence, conscience. If this monitor tells him that a candidate all spirit will have departed from this House, and all pu- for office is dishonest and unworthy, no human power rity and moral worth from the People; and the forms ought to compel us to vote for him. But, whilst I lay we may cherish here, will be but a solemn mockery. down this primary principle thus broadly, I am as equalWhen a few hundred persons, scarcely equal to our own ly satisfied, that, in the present election, which belongs numbers, convened in those seats, can successfully ex- peculiarly to the people, which has come to us on a forercise acts of intimidation on the representatives of ten lorn and disastrous contingency, that, if we have no or twenty millions of people, to an absolute reversal of moral objections to the person whom, among the cantheir sovereign will, it may be well imagined that the didates, is preferred by the particular people we repreenergy of the Government, and public virtue, are buried sent here, we are bound to surrender our mere personal in a common grave. The argument, if it is worth any preferences and prejudices, and to endeavor to carry thing, could be urged, to show that it is expedient that into effect their honest, reasonable wishes. This posi we should even legislate in the conclave of a Turkish tion harmonizes with the whole theory of our representdivan. The truth is, that many subjects of ordinary dis- ative democracy; and, to suppose that an agent of the cussion, and common legislation, are better calculated people is absolved from all deference, (and he might to produce popular excitement, than the election of a almost say obedience,) to their obvious wishes, by the President by this House. During the former, popular mere circumstance of our being organized into states prejudices, and, I may say, the feelings of public ven- for this exclusive purpose, is at once to sap those great geance, may be addressed, by the arts and electricity of foundations of responsibility and control on which our popular eloquence. In the latter, our business is con- entire system rests. In a word, he thought the true fined to one act, that is, in placing for ourselves, or hav-rule was in a very narrow circle, which was, that, after ing it placed for us, a small strip of paper on which the name of an individual shall be written. The ceremony precludes the possibility of debate, and almost the only motion, which can be put, is, one that will have relation to the period when the act of balloting is to be renew ed, on the contingency of continued failures to elect. It is impossible to conceive, in the forms of the transaction itself, fewer circumstances, calculated to provoke popular violence and commotion. Besides, said Mr. HAMILTON, I think the very habits of our people forbid any apprehensions, either present or future; and, however little consoling it may be, to the pride of some, he thought there was as much honesty outside of the walls of our House, as there was within them. He supposed that the individuals who would at present, and in times to come, occupy the seats in our gallery, would, a majority of them, be citizens of this District, whom he believed were as exempt from the character of corrupt inttiguers, and noisy brawlers, as the people of any section of our country, although the gentleman from Ohio, (Mr. WRIGHT,) seemed to think that our spectators, whenever we have a President to elect, must consist of the very worst and most abandoned species of our population. For myself, said Mr. H. satisfied that no prece deant we shall now establ sh, will be binding, and that posterity will have the same right that we have, to take care of themselves, and being equally satisfied that the ordi nary power possessed by the Speaker, to clear the galleries, in the event of occasional disorder, meets all the exigencies of the present crisis, I hope that every citizen of this land, let him come from where he will, may be allowed to witness an event, in which he has precisely as great an interest as we have ourselves: more particularly, when his presence can, in no degree, impair a sound and efficient exercise of the agency we have to exert.

Mr. H. said he would, before he took his seat, notice one or two remarks which fell from the gentleman from Delaware, (Mr. M'LANE.) This gentleman, in a very manly declaration of the course which he intended to pursue in the approaching election, has thought proper, as furnt shing the best illustration of the principles which should govern him in that course, to affirm that he does not feel himself bound, by the wishes, either expressed | or implied, of the people whom he represents on this

Mr. H said, that the gentleman from Delaware, in urging the House to adopt the rule for the exclusion of spectators from the gallery, during the election, had relied, with no ordinary emphasis, on the precedent which had been established by the Congress of 1801, in the celebrated, he could not say nefarious, contest between Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Burr. As this part of the gentleman's argument he puts on the ground of authority, and not reason, he would venture to hint that he, (Mr. H.) had some serious misgivings that people would not look to those times as furnishing the instructive exam-" ples of public freedom; for, he believed, it would be susceptible of proof, by referring to the journals, that most of those who voted then for the proposed exclusion from the galleries, were those who had most strenuously supported the Alien and Sedition Law. He did not make this allusion for the purpose of throwing a fire brand into the House, but he appealed to it as an historical fact.

In conclusion, Mr. H. said, that he really hoped that no groundless apprehensions would induce the House to retain a rule, which, by the mystery which would be incident to its enforcement, would beget a thousand times more excitement than if our galleries were thrown open to the whole world.

Mr. M'LANE again rose, not for the purpose of entering at large into the debate, but merely to correct some misapprehensions which appeared to exist, in relation to the remarks which he had first submitted. It was certainly far from his intention either to stir up old embers, or to brighten any existing flame. Far less was it his intention to advocate any rule which had for its object the concealment of his own course of conduct, in regard to the election of President. He neither had nor could have any concealment on that point. His opinions at all times, and in all circumstances, had been openly known, and he meant that they always should be. If he even desired concealment, he could not effect it-he stood here with no colleagues. The vote he was about to give must be publicly known, and, whenever it was given, it should be given with a single eye to the inter ests of our common country. Could there, indeed, be