« ForrigeFortsett »
Delaware and Chesapeake Canal.
LFeb. 24, 1825.
thus, as he thought, by the wording of the present bill, iving the Canal Company the power at once to call for § 75,000; and, in July, the entire balance of the $300,000, agreed to be taken by the United States, although the other stockholders may only at that time have partially s: their "...F. To obviate any risk of which, e said he would propose an amendment placing the Government and the stockholders on the same footing. Mr. L. moved the amendment accordingly. Mr. WAN DYKE thought the amendment not requisite, as provision to that effect had been fully made by the charters granted to the Company, which, if referred to, would be found sufficiently guarded, on this head, and secured the object desired. He hoped, therefore, the amendment would not he urged. The amendment was negatived. The question recurring on the third reading of the bill— Mr. MACON, of North Carolina, said he rose with a full heart, to take his last farewell of an old friend that he had always admired and loved—he meant the constitution of the United States. On this occasion, he said he had experienced a difficulty in expressing his feelings. Perhaps old people thought more of what took place when they were young than of the occurrences of after times, but in times of old, whenever any question touching the constitution was brought forward, it was discussed day after day : that time was now passed. Gentlemen say it is not necessary now to enter into the constitutional question on this measure. The first time he had ever known them refuse to discuss the constitutional question, involved by a projosition, was, when the act was assed incorporating the present bank of thirty-five milions; from that time the constitution had been asleep. Every scheme that was proposed was with a view of tying the people together. The late Bank of the United States was to give them a currency alike throughout all the States. It was said at the time, that this was impossible; the friends of the Bank insisted they could do it; but, had they done it Then they got into a system of manufacturing, and every body was to get rich by it.— The next thing was the system of a great navy and fortifications, which was to make them one people from the Atlantic to the Rocky Mountains, from the Bay of Passamaquoddy to Florida; but, had it done so And now the people were to be tied together by roads and canals. He thought the plan of the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Smith,) was as wise a one as ever was devised to add power to the government. Do a little now, and a little then, and, by and by, they would render this government as powerful and unlimited as the British Government was... We go on deciding on these things, said Mr. M. without looking at the constitution, and I suppose we will, in a few years, do as was done in England—we shall appoint a committee to hunt for precedents. My heart is full when I think of all this; and what is to become of us I cannot say. This government was intended to be a limited one, its great objects were war and peace, and now we are endeavoring to prove that these measures are necessary, both as war and as peace measures. Mr. M. said, he would beg leave to call the attention of the Senate to a celebrated report made in Virginia in 1799, for a true exposition of the constitutional powers of this government. If there was reason to be alarmed at the growing power of the General Government, how much more has taken place since congress now stop
ped almost at nothing, which it deemed expedient to be done, and the constitution was construed to give power for any grand scheme. This change was brought about little by little; so much had never been attempted at one time as would agitate the people. , Compare these things with those which had, in old times, been done under the constitution, and the change would be found to be most astonishing. The end of them all would be, in the vulgar tongue, taxation. He had before expressed his belief that the public debt would never be paid off. They were following Great Britain, step by step, and the final result would be, they would cease to look to the debt itself, but thinkon. ly of the interest. The history of the British Govern. ment would prove that every war had increased the pub. lic debt, and added to the burthens of the people; and what was the result in America At the time of the Re. volution, the war produced eighty-four millions of fund. ed debt; this was now increased to ninety millions, and instead of paying it, they were following the example of Great Britain, and turning it into 43 per cent, stock, which, like the 3 per cent, stock, no one would buy at par. Mr. M. said, he was against this government connect. ing itself with any company. He would have it get clear of the Bank of the United States. Let it appoint no officer, and if it cannot dispose of its stock on good terms let it get rid of it at any rate. His idea of internalimprovement in this country was, to take from the people all unnecessary burthens. Let them have plenty of wholesome food and good clothing, and he doubted not they would continue to raise boys and girls who would become men and women. These were the sorts of internal improvements he desired to see. It was in vain to talk of any other internal improvements strengthening the country, when there was ninety millions of public debt, and above a hundred of private debt owing. Much of the latter, indeed, was called accommodation paper, but he knew it was false. These schemes, he thought, were monstrous strides, censidering the character of the government. The gen: tleman from Maryland (Mr. Smith,) was for laying the constitution aside on this bill, but that was nothing new in that gentleman, for he had constantly pursued that plan ever since he had known him. Mr. M. was afraid they were going to follow the sys’ tem recommended by a member of a certain foreign le: g slature. When he was asked what measures he would adopt to make the people peaceable and submissive, he replied, “tax them heavily, and collectit rigidly; give them enough to do, and they would never plague the government.” This was the practice in Europe, and it had succeeded very well. As to the meaning of the Constitution, Mr. Mi. said, those who composed the Con: vention that formed it, certainly must have known what they intended, and all the writers of the day referred to no power of this kind; but it seemed the people of the present day understood what the framers of the Conso tution intended better than they did themselves. He could give no other names to his feelings than fears..." was true, he had no fears for his personal liberty, but he feared his descendants would be taxed up to the nose, so that if they got breath, it would be as much as they could do. The country now was not in a situation topo direct taxes. In time of war, there was 15 per cent do ference in the taxes of the different States; but the same thing would not be suffered now. He was certain the government could neither lay them nor collect them " this time. His fears might be groundless—they mig" be nothing but the suggestions of a worn-out old no but they were sincere, and he was alarmed for thesa” of this government. - Mr. SMITH, in reply, adverted to the opinions o had been from time to time so confidently alo many, that ruin must follow many of the projects who
had been adopted with so much benefit to the country. When the funded system began, it was to ruin them ; the same thing was said when the Bank of the United States was established, and when the Navy was first formed. Surely none of these predictions had been verified. Immediately after the late war, Congress had taken off the direct taxes, and had paid a greater amount off national debt proportionably than Great Britain had done, during the same period of time. Besides this, they had expended much in the purchase of Florida, and had seven millions in the Bank of the United States. Mr. S. said he was no friend to the national debt; but it was daily paying off, and if they could, by exchanging the stock, save one fourth of the interest, it surely would be a benefit to the people. Mr. S. said, his opinion on the constitutionality of the pro sent measure was settled. It was decided by a solemn vote, that Congress have not the power of themselves to do any act relative to Internal Improvements; but it was likewise determined, that when Internal Improvements were began by Companies, Congress had a right to appropriate money for the purpose. They were, therefore, now acting in conformity to this vote. The States of Delaware and Maryland had begun to cut their Canal; they had raised funds which were exhausted, and they had now raised a new subscription, which they would lay out better: Mr. S. said he had generally voted against the power of Congress, but this was a great national work in which the Constitutional question did not enter at all. The question was, taken on ordering the bill to a third reading and decided in the affirmative, by the following vote: YEAS.–Messrs. Barton, Bouligny, Brown, D’Wolf, Dickerson, Eaton, Edwards, Findlay, Jackson, Johnson, of Ken. Johnston, of Lou. Kelly, Lanman, Lloyd, of Mass. J.owrie, McIlvaine, Noble, Parrott, Ruggles, Smith, Talbot, Thomas, Van Dyke, Williams—24. NAYS.–Messrs. Barbour, Bell, Benton, Branch, Chandler, Clayton, Elliott, Hayne, Holmes, of Maine, Holmes, of Miss. King, of Alab. King, of N. Y. Knight, McLean, Macon, Seymour, Tazewell, Van Buren—18. And the Senate adjourned.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES-SAME DAY.
Mr. A. SMYTH, of Virginia, offered the following: . Resolved, That the Clerk of the House of Representatives be authorized and directed to purchase, for the use of the said House, three hundred copies of the Journals of Congress from the 5th of September, 1774, to the 1st of November, 1788, recently published by Way and Gideon: Provided, the price shall not exceed $2 25 per volume, full bound and lettered.
Mr. SMYTH supported the resolution by a statement of what had formerly been resolved by both Houses, in espect to this work, and the manner in which the publishers had hitherto been disappointed. Ile dwelt on i importance of the period to which the Journals
The motion was agreed to.
Mr. MERCER moved to discharge the committee of the whole from the consideration of the bill “to confirm he acts incorporating the ohio and Chesapeake Canal
*pany;” which was carried.
The House accordingly took up the bill. The following amendment, formerly offered by Mr. *Kim, to the second section of the bill, was read and agreed to.
Strike out from the word thereaf, in the twentieth line, ** section, and insert: “for their decision thereon;
out impeding or injuring the navigation of the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal, the same shall be conclusive thereon.” Mr. MERCER moved to insert, in the 17th line, the words, “over the District of Columbia;” (which confines the sanction given by Government, to that part of the canal which lies within the District.) The amendment was agreed to. Mr. RANKlN moved to amend the first section of the bill, by striking out all after the enacting words, and inserting the following: “That the act of the Legislature of Virginia, entitled “An act incorporating the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal Company,’ be, and the same is hereby ratified, and confirmed, so far as may be necessary for the purpose of enabling any company, that may hereafter be formed by the authority of said act of incorporation, to carry into effect the provisions thereof in the District of Columbia, within the exclusive jurisdiction of the United States, and no farther.” Mr. MERCER opposed the amendment, and asserted that the language employed by the United States, in granting the incorporation, should correspond to that used by Virginia and Maryland for the same purpose. He combatted the idea of any danger arising from the terms employed in the bill, and gave reasons to show that the concerns of the company required its provisions. Mr. SHARPE thought, that, as the bill was now so different from what it was when reported by the Committee on Roads and Canals, that he was at a loss clearly to understand it; it had better go back to the committee. He doubted whether the route contemplat•ed by the Company was as good as that by the Susquehannah. In order to give more time for examining the subject, he moved to lay the bill on the table; but withdrew the motion at the request of Mr. TRIMBLE, who explained the object proposed, which was simply that the Government should give the same permission with respect to the District of Columbia, as Virginia and Maryland had done respecting their own terrritory. As to the question whether some other route was preferable to that in view by the company, now to be incorporated, it was a question for the subscribers to the stock to consider; Congress had nothing to do with it in giving leave that the canal should come through the District of Columbia. Mr. SHARPE disclaimed all opposition to the construction of a canal from the Ohio to the Chesapeake, but did not believe that this company, or any other, would ever accomplish the object. The real plan in view, by the friends of the bill, was first to get this act, and then, at next Congress, to ask an appropriation of from twenty-five to fifty millions of dollars. Such was the doctrine which had been held in the committee room. He had no objection to Internal Improvements, and was willing to appropriate liberally to promote them, provided the several states enjoyed their shares. But he was opposed to going into this measure before surveys had been obtained. Some Engineers said it would require 500 locks to ascend the mountain. Nor was it certain that there was sufficient water on the summit level, &c. Mr. STORRS hoped the bill would not be laid on the table. Nothing else was asked than merely permission for the canal to go through the District of Columbia; if more than this was sought, he should decidedly oppose it. But he thought that this would be secured by the amendment of the gentleman from Mississippi. if the latter part of the bill should be retained, it would amount to an express act of incorporation by Congress to this company—to this he should object, as bringing the House under a virtual pledge to do more. He
... Congress should be of opinion that the said canal ** cut in the manner proposed as aforesaid, with:
was not opposed to the design of the canal, and he would vote anything in reason to promote it; but he
thought the amendment gave all that was now needed or asked. Mr. MERCER felt it due to himself to vindicate the bill from the imputations of the gentleman from New York. It was the first time he had ever known the private conversations of gentlemen in a committee room, brought forward on the floor of this House to prejudice a measure under discussion. What the personal views of individuals, as to certain great plans of internal imrovement, had to do with the question before the House he was at a loss to conceive The conversations alluded to, did not, however, embrace this canal only, but many roads, canals, and other measures of a general character; and it was for the whole of these that the millions mentioned by the gentleman had been talked about. Mr. M. denied that the bill was so greatly changed, and he adverted, in order, to the amendments which it had undergone. In reply to Mr. Stonas, Mr. M. admitted that the bill was an act of incorporation—such was its avowed object; but he contended that no evil could legitimately grow out of it, especially as now limited by one of the amendments. He opposed the amendment of Mr. RANKIN, as defective in several provisions, which were secured by the bill as reported, particularly respecting toll Mr. RANKIN supported the amendment. His main objection to the bill was, that it went to mingle the powers of the General and State Governments. He thought the views of the gentleman from New York, (Mr. StokIts,) were perfectly correct. The act of Virginia, now proposed to be confirmed, appointed Com missioners for this work; if this were re-enacted by Congress at the next session they would hear that they were bound to patronize the design by large appropriations, as they had put their sanction on it, by appointing Commissioners. He thought the powers of the General and State Governments should be kept as distinct as posible. If the General Government engaged in Internal Improvement at all, it should either be by taking the work into their own hands entirely, or by subscribing to the stocks of private companies. The bill proposed neither. The moment the bill passed, Government might give up all the surveys, made over the mountains; the whole design would thenceforth be a private concern. The amendment gave the company all which he thought they ought to ask, or expect. The question was then put on the amendment and carried—ayes 83, noes 58. And the bill, as amended, was then ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow. An engrossed bill concerning the grant of land to the Marquis de Maison Rogue was read a third time. Its passage was opposed by Mr. SANFORD, of Ten. and advocated by Messrs. ISACKS, CAMPBELL, and J. T. JOHNSUN when, on the question being put, it was passed by a large majority.
IN SENATE-Faidar, Febau Any 25, 1825.
Mr. CHANDLER, from the Committee on the Militia, to whom was referred the report of the Secretary of War, together with an abstract of infantry tactics, submitted the following resolution. He observed, they had been at great expense in furnishing the Militia with arms, and were of opinion they should be furnished with the means to make use of them for the benefit of the country. It was now too late in the session to bring in a bill for the purpose, and it was the object of the resolution to ob. tain sufficient information to act on it at the ensuing session.
Resolved, That the Secretary of War be directed to advertise, for three months, in the National Intelligencer, that he will receive, at any time before the first day of December next, sealed proposals for printing 40,000 co
pies of the abstract of Infantry Tactics, which was re. ported to the Senate by the Secretary of War, on the 3d day of February, instant, to be delivered at the War De. partment, bound in boards, and that he, the Secretary, will state, in his advertisement, as near as may be, the size of the work, the number of pages and plates, which it will contain, and report such proposals as he may receive, to the Senate, in the first week of the next session of Congress. The resolution was read, considered, and agreed to. The Senate then proceeded, as in committee of the whole, (Mr. Lownie in the chair,) to consider the act authorizing the occupation of the Oregon River. Mr. BENTON moved an amendment, providing anal. ditional Paymaster, and extending the time allowed for the officers to send in their accounts; which was agreed to; and then (on account of the temporary absence of * of the Committee,) the bill was laid on the table. The Senate proceeded to the consideration of the bill authorizing the President of the United States to appoint Commissioners to treat with the Chippewa Indians, for the right of discovering and working certain valuable Copper Mines, supposed to be on the south side of Lake Superior; and appropriating the sum of ten thousand dol. lars to defray the expense of treating with the said Indians. The bill having been read— Mr. BENTON said, that the existence of Copper Mines on Lake Superior was a fact of historical notoriety, attested by all travellers in that region for a century and a half past. They were seen in 1689 by the monk La Hontan; in 1721, by the Jesuit, Father Charlevoix; in 1766, by Captain Carver; in 1771, by Henry ; and in 1789, by Sir Alexander McKenzie. Each of these tra. vellers published an account of these mines, and their descriptions have excited the attention of the first mine. ralogists of Europe. Some years before the commence: ment of our Revolution, a mass of silver ore was found in the same region, carried to England, and gave rise to a mining company, of which the Duke of Gloucester wo the head. They caused a gallery to be opened in a hill on the south side of the iske, but finding nothing but copper, the operations were discontinued; for it was no object in the then condition of the country and state of transportation, to carry copper from Lake Superior" London. In the year 1800, at the time when the Governme" of the United States contemplated an augmentation 9 the Navy, a resolution, adopted in both Houses of 9” gress, authorized an examination to be made of to mines, by a competent agent; but the policy of the Government changing soon afterwards, the examina" was attended with few results. In 1807, Mr. Gallatin deemed these mines of such va. lue as to be enumerated by him among the source*" our national wealth. In 1820, they were visited by Governor Cass, of Michigan, and Mr. Schoolcraft, a mineralogist, and a report 9 their discoveries made to the Secretary of W* knowledge of this fact, Mr. B. said, had induced” at the session of 1821–2, to lay a resolution upon the table of the Senate, calling upon the War Department to fur. nish all the information which the Department o ed upon this subject. In compliance with that ". ution, a report had been received, and published amo the documents of 1822–3, giving full and satisfacto o: formation upon the extent and value of these . Their report has been confirmed, by a letter from . Cass, lately printed among our documents, and by o: ther from Mr. Schoolcraft, [which was read] and the fineness and purity of the metal had been proved #. prosert of a mass of 50 pounds weight, which had t the latély deposited in the Library of congress r of superior fineness of this metal is not a moto . by opinion. It has been tested in the Mint of Utro"
the Inspector General of that Mint, upon the request of our late fellow citizen, Gov. Eustis, of Massachusetts. That distinguished citizen, anxious to be useful to his country, had possessed himself of specimens of this copper when at the head of the War Department, and carried them with him afterwards on his embassy to Holland. The report of the Inspector is to be found in all the principal European works upon the subject of mineralogy. It says:– “The examination of the North American copper, in the sample received from his excellency the Minister, by the operations of the coppel, and the test by fire, has proved that it does not contain the smallest particle of silver, gold, or any other metal. Its color is a clear red; It is peculiarly qualified for rolling and forging, and its excellence is indicated by its resemblance to the copper usually employed by the English for plating. The dealers in copper call this sort Peruvian copper, to distinguish it from that of Sweden, which is much less malleable. The specimen under consideration is incomparably better than Swedish copper, as well on account of its brilliant color, as for the fineness of its pores, and its extreme ductility.” Mr. B. jã not dilate upon the advantages to be derived from a home supply of this metal. It was an article of almost universal use. Ships could not be built without it. The cost of copper in a single ship of the line, lately built under an act of Congress, was $57,000. Merchant vessels required a proportionate supply. In all the grain-growing districts of the United States, it was in demand for stills. The Mint of the United States made annual purchases, sometimes to the amount of $30,000 for the coinage of cents and half cents. Combined with zinc, of which there was an exhaustless sup§ in the mineral districts of Missouri, copper produced rass, an article of such universal use and application that it was found in every form, and in every house, from the cottage of a peasant to the palace of a King, and applied to every use, from the pin to the cannon. Mr. B. believed that the problem of the existence of these mines ought to be solved, and that the appropriation of $10,000, contemplated by the bill, was an object of no consideration in the magnitude of the question to be decided. Mr. DICKERSON was not opposed to the object of the bill, but he preferred a modification of its provisions. He would prefer that an Agent should be sent to examine the country, and to make a report, and to have that report returned before the subject was finally acted upon. He was no stranger to the accounts which described a large mass of native copper on the south side of Lake Superior, but detached masses of any metal were not considered as certain indications of mines. He instanced the lumps of gold found in North Carolina, and of other metals found in other places, and yet without the accomPaniument of mines. Mr. CHANDLER was in favor of having the country examined before any thing further was done; but considered the undertaking as an experiment in which we, the United States, would probably expend more dollars than we should ever receive cents. Mr. JOHNSON, of Kentucky, replied. He said that reports of the kind that gentlemen called for, had already been received, and referred to in debate by the Senato from Missouri. It gentlemen wanted reports found“d upon actual experiments in searching for mineral, *uch search would involve the commission of a trespass "Pon the soil and jurisdiction of the Indians—a point "Pon which the gentlemen had been particularly scrupulous heretofore. Mr. BENTON rejoined. He was not skilled in the Science of mineralogy; but he knew enough to know that * solitary mass of any metal, found by itself, was not **śn certain of the presence of a mine. But here the
fact was not what the gentleman supposed it to be. The
indications of copper on Lake Superior, was not confined to the mass which the gentleman had particularized. It was seen in thousands of places, in lumps and in veins, on both sides of the Lake, on the islands within it, and extending across the country to the Falls of St. Anthony. Mr. B. said, that it was a continuation of that great region of fossils and minerals, which, beginning upon the Arkansas river, traversed the state of Missouri, crossed the Mississippi at the Falls of St. Anthony, and exhibited itself on both sides of Lake Superior. As to reports, said Mr. B. we have enough of them. We know as much as we can learn, by looking at the surface of the ground. If we want to know more, we must penetrate the bowels of the earth, and that is the precise thing which the bill before the Senate proposes to do. It is in vain to say, that we must not search until we are sure of finding. Upon that principle nothing would be found, except what the chapter of accidents would give. It was equally in vain to argue against the existence of valuable mines on Lake Superior, because they were not yet discovered. The great copper mines in England, which now furnish more than one half of the whole quantity of copper produced by all the mines in the known world, were only discovered in the last century; the name of the great salt mine in that kingdom, Salina was known to the Roman legions two thousand years ago ; but the vast mine of salt, which furnished the salt water of that spring, was only discovered some fifty years ago. The bill was then ordered to a third reading. The Senate, then, as in committee of the whole, proceeded to consider the bill authorizing the establishment of a Navy Yard and Depot, at or near Pensacola. Mr. LLOYD, of Massachusetts, supported the measure at some length, explaining the advantages which the situation possessed, and the necessity there was of such a depot being established in that quarter. Mr. HAYNE proposed to amend the bill, by adding the following section : “...And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby, authorized to make the necessary arrangements for the establishment of a Navy Yard, either at Charleston, in South Carolina, or St. Mary's, in Georgia, should the examination and survey, directed to be made by the act of 26th March, 1824, show that such an establishment will be advantageous to the public service.” The amendinent was supported by Messrs. HAYNE and ELLIOTT, and opposed by Messrs. SMITH and LLOYD, of Mass. on the ground of its obstructing the passage of the bill. On the question being taken, it was negatived. The bill was then ordered to be engrossed for a third reading. The bill, as amended, authorizing the subscription of Stock in the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal Company, was read a third time, passed, and returned to the House. Yeas 19, Nays 11. The bill for the continuation of the Cumberland Road, was read a third time, passed, and returned to the House. Yeas 23, Nays 6. *
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES-SAME DAY.
Mr. CAMBRELENG, from the Committee of Ways and Means, reported a bill to authorize the importation of foreign distilled spirits in casks of a capacity not less than fifteen gallons: which was twice read.
Mr. CAMBRELENG explained the reasons for introducing this bili—the state of our trade with South America, and the obstacles to it arising from the present law on this subject. Mr. TRIMBLE, of Ken. opposed the bill, as leading to frauds on the revenue; and took a view of the course of
legislation hitherto pursued in relation to our revenue laws; he deprecated any further relaxation of the system
s. & H. of R.] On a Western Armory.—Occupation of Oregon River. [Feb. 25, 26, 1825.
Mr. CAMBRELENG replied. The bill was laid on the table. Mr. BLAIR called up the joint resolution laid on the table by him some days since, directing a survey of the waters of East Tennessee, with a view to the location of an armory. The motion was carried; ayes 73, noes 52. Mr. BLAIR briefly stated the grounds of the resolution. An opportunity was now afforded for having the proposed examination effected without a dollar's addi. tional expense to the United States, as the Engineers were already ordered to examine that country for another object. Mr. ISACKS moved to include West Tennessee. Mr. HENRY moved to include the Southwest part of Kentucky. Mr. M'LEAN, of Ohio, moved to include the waters of Mad River, near Dayton, in Ohio. Mr. WrighT opposed this amendment, and also the resolution itself. Mr. M'COY called for the reading of the original law, ordering the examination of the Western waters, when, On motion of Mr. HAMILTON, the resolution and amendments were laid on the table. An engrossed bill to confirm the act of the General Assembly of Maryland, confirming an act of the General Assembly of Virginia, to incorporate the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal Company, was read a third time, and the question being, Shall this bill pass 2 Mr. COCKE demanded that it be taken by yeas and nays, which was ordered. The question was then put, and decided in the affirmative, by yeas and nays, as follows: YEAS.–Messrs. Abbott, Alexander, of Wa. Alexander, of Ten. Allen, of Ten. Allison, Bailey, Bartlett, Bartley, Blair, Brent, Buchanan, Call, Cambreleng, Campbell, of Ohio, Cassedy, Condict, Crafts, Cushman, Cuthbert, Durfee, Eddy, Edwards, of N. C. Ellis, Findlay, Forsyth, Fuller, Gatlin, Gurley, Harris, Harvey, Hayden, Hemphill, Henry, Herrick, Herkimer, Hobart, Houston, Isacks, Jennings, Johnson, of Wa. J. T. Johnson, Kent, Kidder, Lathrop, Lawrence, Lee, Lincoln, Little, Longfellow, McArthur, McDuffie, McKean, McKee, McKim, McLean, of Ohio, Marvin, Matlack, Matson, Mercer, Metcalfe, Miller, Mitchell, of Pa. Mitchell, of Md. Moore, of Ken. Moore, of Ala. Neale, Newton, O'Brien, Olin, Outlaw, Owen, Patterson, of Pa. Patterson, of Ohio, Plumer, of Penn. Rankin, Reed, Reynolds, Rose, Ross, Saunders, Sandford, Scott, Sharpe, Sibley, Sloane, Alex. Smyth, Wm. Smith, Standefer, Sterling, J. Stephenson, Stewart, Storrs, Swan, Taliaferro, Taylor, Test, Thompson, of Pen. Tomlinson, Trinible, Udree, Vance, of N. C. Vance, of Ohio, Van Rensselaer, Vinton, wayne, Webster, Whipple, Whitman, Whittlesey, Williams, of Va. James Wilson, Henry Wilson, Wilson, of Ohio, Wolf, Wood, Wright—116. NAYS.–Messrs. Allen, of Mass. Barber, of Con. P. P. Barbour, Brown, Burleigh, Cady, Clarke, Cocke, Collins, conner, Culpeper, Day, lowinell, Foot, of Con. Foote, of N. Y. Frost, Gist, Hogeboom, Hooks, Jenkins, Leftwich, Litchfield, Long, Martindale, Morgan, Richards, Arthur Smith, Spaight, A. Stevenson, Stoddard, Ten Eyck, Thompson, of Geo. Tyson, Wilson, of S. C. –34. so the bill was passed; its title was altered to read as follows: “An act confirming the act of the Legislature of virginia, entitled ‘An act incorporating the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal Company, and an act of the state of Maryland, confirming the same ;" and then it was sent to the Senate.
IN SENATE.-Satuan Ay, FEhnu Any, 26, 1825. The Senate then resumed, as in committee of the whole, (Mr. MILLS in the chair,) the consideration of the bill tor the occupation of the Oregon river. Mr. BARBOUR said, that, personally, he had no parti
cular concern with this bill, and had not intended to have participated in the debate, as it was under the care of the Military Committee, whose members were every way able to defend it; but, as the Senate had laid it on the table in consequence of his absence, he felt it due to them to state, that he approved of the bill, and would avail himself of this opportunity briefly to state the rea. sons which induced that opinion. The subject would naturally divide itself into two views, under which it should be considered: 1st, Have the United States a right to the territory proposed to be settled 2 and, 2dly, Is it politic now to occupy it in the way proposed by the bill? On the first point, as to title, he had but little to add to the very full exposition given by the American Pleni. potentiary to the Court of St. James. He thought, by a comparison of that state paper with the counter state. ment of the representative of that court, there could be no difficulty in saying, that the claim of Great Britain, as to the territory on the Oregon, was without founda. tion. If, as Mr. B. believed, America, in the spirit of friendship and forbearance, had made a sacrifice to Rus. sia of five degrees of her just claims on the Northwest coast, and in the same spirit had been willing to make an equal sacrifice to Great Britain, he hoped on her past she would eagerly seize this proof of gobd will, and close with the terms proposed. Be that as it may, the United States can yield no further. As a consequence, our claim must be held as unquestionable many degrees to the North of the proposed settlement. As a matter of curiosity, and indeed as connected with the question in hand, one may be permitted to recur to the pretensions of the European nations to the different portions of the new world. Spain, under whom we claim, has unquestionably the undivided credit of its first discovery, and, to the extent to which this fact goes, the best titleto which she superadded the grant of the head of the christian world, in the person of the Pope: and however ridiculous the latter may seem at this time, at the time of the exercise of this high prerogative, it was respected by the civilized world. This respect, however, yielded eventually to cupidity, and the other nations of Europe proceeded to appropriate such portions as accident or circumstances enabled them, in opposition to the claims and the protests of Spain. The opposing claims were sometimes adjusted by rules established pro re nata. Sometimes merged in contemporary subjects of contest in Europe, or, finally, if there were any rule generally acquiesced in, it was discovery and actual occupation. Now, by the correspondence before referred to, by whatever test our claim to the territory in question shall be decided, it seems obvious that that of the United States is not to be shaken. As every gentleman is in possession of that correspondence, a more particular reference is deemed unnecessary. -- . Passing to the second view of the subject, Is it politic now to occupy it, in the way proposed by the bill? We must inquire what are the probable advantages or dis. advantages. The bill proposes a military establishment only on the banks of the Oregon. Its advantage is obvious, as it regards our navigating interest in time of peace. When we advert to the extent of this interest on the Pacific al. ready, and its probable future increase, a friendly asylum, which will be furnished by this establishment, to which our vessels can repair, in an otherwise strange. distant, and perhaps hostile region, must contribute alike to their comfort and safety. it, fron: the ocean we look to the interior, and to the great and diversified territory washed by the Oregon, this settlement, as a depot for commerce, must be full" advantage. Advantages of such a position, in the event of war, are too obvious to be enumerated. What are the disadvantages to be objected to it? An unwieldy, e. tent of empire' what is meant by this objection?