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Feb. 26, 1825.]

you will not settle it yourselves, give it up to some of the European nations—either will take it off your hands, and quiet your scruples on this head. But no American Senator will propose this. What then Is it to be kept as a jungle for wild beasts No. It is not in the order of Providence. . The earth was designed for man. It is not in human power, if it were wished, to prevent the consummation of the design. Fifty years ago and the valley of the Mississippi was like the present condition of the country of the Oregon. It is now teeming with a mighty population—a free and happy people. Their march onward, therefore, to the country of the setting sun, is irresistible. I will not disguise that I look with the deepest anxiety on this vast extension of our empire, as to its possible effects on our political institutions. Whatever they may be, however, our forefathers decided the experiment should be made. When it was determined to annex the vast region of which the country in question is a part, to the old states, that question must have been deliberately weighed, and, in that determination, our destinies, whatever they may be, were placed, in this particular, beyond our control. While I look with anxiety, sir, it is mingled with a strong hope— the hope of the future rests on the strong foundation of the experience of the past. Our advance in political science has already cancelled the dogmas of theory. We have already ascertained, by the happy combination of a National and State Governments, but above all, by a wise arrangement of the representative system, that republics are not necessarily limited to a small territory—and that a Government, thus arranged, produces not only more happiness, but more stability and more energy, than those the most arbitrary. Whether it is capable of indefinite extent, must be left to posterity to decide. But, in the most unfavorable result, a division, by necessity, from its unwieldy extent—an event, I would devoutly hope, is afar off-we even then can console ourselves with the reflection, that all the parts of the great whole will have been peopled by our kindred, carrying with them the same language, habits, and unextinguishable devotion to liberty and republican institutions. Mr. DICKERSON, of New Jersey, said, he had hoped, that, before gentlemen opposed to this bill, should be called upon for their reasons against it, the Senate would have heard from its friends all the arguments that can be urged in its favor. The gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Bannoun,) has mentioned its importance to our trade in the Pacific in general terms, said Mr. D. without descending to any detail of facts or cir°umstances. He also stated that we had already acquired this territory of Oregon—we should have deliberated when we so acquired it—not now—that it was impossible to stop the march of population in that region—and that *Was our duty to provide for extending such population, which, in that gentleman's opinion, was a sufficient reason for passing the present bill. It is true, that, by the operation of oertain causes, we *e acquired this territory; but that circumstance *rely imposes upon Congress no obligation to provide for its occupation or population, unless the interests of the United States should require it. To that country /* owe nothing. By the present bill, that portion of Sountry lying on the Pacific Ocean, North of the 42d degree of North latitude, and West of the Rocky Moun"ins, is to be erected into the territory of Oregon, with* defining its Northern boundary. The President to *"Py the same with a military force, and cause a suitable fortification to be erected. The Indian title to be *"guished for a tract not exceeding thirty miles . or nine hundred square miles. To erect a port . within and for said territory, whenever he shall o the public good may require it, and to appoint whi officers as may be necessary for the same : After * the revenue laws of the Únited States shall ex

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Occupation of the Oregon River.

fore, take possession up to that parallel.


| tend to, and be in full force in, said territory. It is true,

the bill does not provide for the appointment of a Go. vernor or Judges of this territory: but these no doubt are to follow. The present is but an incipient step in a much more extensive plan of populating and settling that country, as we may collect from the original bill as laid upon our tables; and even this is but a part of the whole plan, as this would include a chain of posts from Council Bluffs to the mouth of Columbia River. In all these points of view, it is a bill of the highest importance. As yet, we have extended our laws to no territories, but such as were or are to become states of the Union. We have not adopted a system of colonization, and it is to be hoped we never shall. Oregon can never be one . of the United States. If we extend our laws to it, we, must consider it as a colony. The period never will arrive when it will be proper to adopt the measures proposed by the friends of the present bill; but, if ever, this is certainly not the time: be. cause their adoption now would interfere with existing relations between the British Government and ours. The territory of Oregon is bounded on the South by latitude 42, as by our treaty with Spain. On the North, the Russians renounce all claim to the country South of latitude 54° 40'. We think our claim incontestible as far as the 49th parallel of latitude, supported by the cession of Spain in 1819: by the discovery of the mouth of the Columbia River by sea, and afterwards by Lewis and Clark over land, and by an actual settlement at the mouth of the Columbia in 1811. This would leave the British Government a belt of 5 deg. 40' of latitude from the Itocky Mountains and the Ocean, between our possessions and those of Russia; an arrangement, it is to be presumed, not altogether satisfactory to the British Government, and which, indeed, could be of very little importance to them. They have already extended their settlements to a point on the Columbia River, and we know they have set up a pretence of claim to all that part of the territory lying North of the Columbia to its mouth. It would have been desirable that they should have been parties in our treaty with Russia; but in this they refused to take a part. The extent of their claim is not to be ascertained or limited by Congress; but our commercial treaty with that Government certainly recognizes a claim to some part of that territory, without defining what part. By the 3d article of that treaty, it is agreed, “That any country that may be claimed by either party, on the Northwest Coast of America, Westward of the Stony Mountains, shall, together with its harbors, bays, and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the same, be free and open for the term of ten years from the date of the signature of the convention, to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two powers; it being well understood, that this agreement is not to be construed to the prejudice of any claim which either of the two high contracting parties may have to any part of said country, nor shall it be taken to affect the claims of any other power or state to any part of the said country; the only object of the high contracting parties in that respect being to prevent disputes and differences among themselves.” . . . . This treaty expires in 1828, until which period, it will

be highly improper to take possession of this territory

by military force, or to establish a port of entry there, or, indeed, to exercise any act of possession or occupation we did not exercise at the period of making this treaty ; more especially in that part of the territory to . which the British Government laid claim, however, unfounded. - The President, by this bill, is to take possession, by a military force, of the Oregon territory. We claim up to the Russian line, latitude 54° 40', but consider our right incontestible to latitude 49. The President must, there1He is to cause


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Occupation of the Oregon River.

[Feb. 26, 1825.

a fort to be erected on Oregon River, on the left or the right bank, as he shall deem it expedient, and cause the 1ndian title to be extinguished to a tract of land thirty miles square, or 900 square miles, including said fort, and which ought to include both banks of the river, and include a considerable portion of country claimed by the British Government, but which, under the provisions of our treaty, they have not thought themselves authorized to occupy by a military force. Our port of entry may be erected at Nootka Sound, and our revenue laws extended to every part of the territory. As yet the British Government have done nothing to contravene the provisions of this treaty, but will they quietly look on and see us take military possession of this territory, make our establishments, purchase the Indian title to 900 square miles, erect fortifications, and establish ports of entry By our treaty, the country is to remain open without prejudice to the claims of either party, in order to prevent disputes. But is this measure calculated to prevent disputes? On the contrary, will it not lead to immediate collisions with the British Government * Will they not also take military possession of this territory? erect fortifications, purchase the Indian title, and establish ports of entry? We cannot steal a march upon them ; they are always, on the alert—we

shall gain nothing by this hasty, this uncalled-for mea.

sure. At all events, before we proceed further, let us ascertain by negotiation, not by military force, our respective parts of this territory. If we are entitled to the whole of it, by amicable adjustment, if possible, or, if we must enforce, our rights, by military occupation, let it not be done till all other means have failed. It is to be presumed the British Government are willing to enter into negotiations for settling our respective boundaries in that territory. Should the negotiation occupy many years, it ought to excite no regret, as it would give the unhappy natives of that region, a little more time to breathe upon the face of the earth, before the final process of extermination, by means of a white and civilized population, shall take place. No doubt the British Government would willingly renew the third article of the treaty of 1818 for ten years more, to prevent disputes. And if the two Governments would make a perpetual treaty, to take no further possession of that territory, than they now have, or that might be necessary for the purposes of trading with the Indians, they would do more for the cause of humanity, than has been done in the presentage. In 1810 we had a settlement at the mouth of the Columbia river, called Astoria, which the British took from us during the late war—it was, however, delivered up to us under the first article of the treaty of Ghent, and, whoever may be the private owners of the property there, the possession is in the United States, and may now be occupied as it was before the war. As yet, we have sent no military force there. What is the immediate pressure for such a force at this time? to protect our ships engaged in the whaling and fishing, and in the fur trade, and taking of sea otters. The whales are caught in the Southern latitudes, and all the sea otters we shall ever take upon the coast of the oregon territory, would not pay the expense of marching a single company across the Rocky Mountains. What little commerce we may have upon that coast, will be much better protected by three or four ships of our Navy, than by any fortification on Oregon river, we have now in the Pacific Ocean the Frigate United states, sloop of war Peacock, and schooner Dolphin, and can send more there if necessary. But is this territory of Oregon ever to become a state, a member of this Union? Never. The Union is already too extensive-and we must make three or four new states from the territories already formed. The distance from the mouth of the columbia to the

mouth of the Missouri, is 3,555 miles—from Washington


to the mouth of the Missouri, is 1,160 miles—making the whole distance from Washington to the mouth of the Columbia River, 4,703 miles—but say 4,650 miles. The distance, therefore, that a member of Congress of this State of Oregon, would be obliged to travel, in coming to the seat of Government and returning home, would be 9,300 miles; this, at the rate of eight dollars for every twenty miles, would make his traveling expenses amount to 3,720 dollars. Every member of Congress ought to see his constituents once a year. This is alrea: dy very difficult for those in the most remote parts of the Union. At the rate which the members of Congress travel according to law, that is, twenty miles per day, it would require, to come to the Seat of Government, from Ore. gon, and return, 465 days; and if he should lie by for Sundays, say 66, it would require 531 days. But, if he should travel at the rate of 30 miles per day, it would require 306 days. Allow for Sundays, 44, it would amount to 350 days. This would allow the member a fortnight to rest himself at Washington, before he should commence his journey home. This rate of travelling would be a hard duty, as a greater part of the way is exceedingly bad, and a portion of it over rugged moun. tains, where Lewis and Clarke found several feet of snow in the latter part of June. "Yet a young, able-bodied Senator might travel from Oregon to Washington and back once a year; but he could do nothing else. It would be more expeditious, however, to come by water round Cape Horn, or to pass through Behring's Straits, round the North coast of this Continent to Baffin's Bay, thence through Davis's Straits to the Atlantic, and soon to Washington. It is true, this passage is not yet disco. vered, except upon our maps—but it will be as soon as Oregon shall be a State. But how could a revenue be derived from such a state, or supplies sent to it, but at an enormous expense 2 Every portion of strength given to this state, from the other parts of the Union, would so far weaken the Union; and this territory, when it shall obtain the strength and importance of a state, will fall off from the Union by its own weight. Is this territory to be a colony Have we a surplus population that we wish to send from our country? So far from that, we have hundreds of millions of acres of fertile lands, within the boundaries of our present States and Territories, that remain unoccupied for want of a population to take possession of them. While thisis the case, shall we be holding out inducements to our citi. zens to seeksettlements in the remote parts of the earth. If we plant a colony at Oregon, we must protect it, and that at an enormous expense. And what advantago can we expect in return ? Surely none. We form a vul. nerable point where our enemy can easily reach us, and where it will be very difficult to defend ourselves. The British, last war, took from us our settlement at Astoria. This was a matter of but little importance. But if we had possessed a city there of 30,000 inhabitants, we should have expended millions for its defence, and, after all, probably have lost it. Will this colony afford us any very important com: mercial advantages? Are we to supply it with manufao tures? It will be a long time before we supply ourselves. We import, for our own consumption, annually, of foreign manufactures, more than the amount of five and twenty millions of dollars. Are we to have great ado; tages in the fur trade with the natives of that region' As soon as we establish a white population in Oregon. who will drive the Indians back to the Rocky Mountain.” that trade will cease. To carry the provisions of this act into effect, the son of 50,000 dollars has been agreed to, as contained in the bill from the House of Representatives. This sum has, however, been struck out, for the purpose of inser"; a larger. A sum ten times larger will be required to fore the objects of the bill can be carried fully into *

Feb. 26, 1825.]

Occupation of the Oregon River.


fect. In a report of the 23d Feb. 1824, we have an es-
timate of the expense of transporting 200 troops from
Council Bluffs to the mouth of Columbia river, at 44,000
dollars. It is fair to judge of the future by the past.—
The expense of the Yellow Stone expedition is a case in
point. The transportation of 145 tons of provisions,
munitions of war, &c. by the steam boat Expedition--145
tons by the steam boat Jefferson—75 tons by the steam
boat Johnson, with 300 troops, chiefly from the mouth of
the Missouri to Council Bluffs, 650 miles, cost the United
. 255,000 dollars. There were other charges at-
tending the expedition, to a large amount, so that it may
be estimated that the transportation of our troops to
Council Bluffs, with all the necessary supplies, munitions
of war, &c. cost us at the rate of nearly a thousand dol-
lars per man.
If we send men enough to Oregon to defend them-
selves, and establish military posts from Council Bluffs
to the mouth of Columbia river, we ought to appropriate
half a million of dollars, as a beginning.
The third article of the treaty of 1818 was evidently
intended to suspend, for ten years, any further acts of
possession or occupation, than had then taken place.
This seemed necessary, to prevent disputes between the
parties. Humanity had nothing to do with this arrange-
ment. Had the object been to protect the native own-
ers of the soil from the encroachments of a white popu-
lation, a civilized population, an exterminating popula-
tion, it would have been in the highest degree honorable
to the contracting parties. Would to Heaven there was
a perpetual decree, that should forever secure to the
aborigines of that soil, the quiet possession uf the coun-
try they now enjoy. If that were the case, it would be
easy for the United States to adopt a plan, by which a re-
gion of at least two hundred and fifty thousand square
miles might be secured as an abiding place for three
hundred thousand of the native children of the forest,
who are otherwise doomed, in a short period, to be swept
from the face of the earth, by the same civilized popu-
lation that have exterminated the numerous tribes that
once possessed the Atlantic States.
From the meridian of Council Bluffs there is an im-
mense region, extending to the Rocky Mountains, con-
taining about 160,000 square miles, which, from the ste-
rility of the soil, the want of wood and water, can never
be cultivated, and, of course, never admit of a civilized
population. An accurate description of this region may
be found in Major Long's Expedition, vol. II, page 350.
After describing this country, he says, in page 361–
“In regard to this extensive section of country, I
do not hesitate in giving the opinion that it is almost
wholly unfit for cultivation, and of course uninhabitable
by a people depending upon agriculture for subsistence.
Although tracts of fertile land, considerably extensive,
are occasionally to be met with, yet the scarcity of wood
and water, almost uniformly prevalent, will prove an
insuperable obstacle in the way of settling the country.
This objection rests not only against the immediate sec-
tion under consideration, but applies, with equal pro-
Priety, to a much larger portion of the country. Agree-
ably to the best intelligence that can be had concerning
the country both northward and southward of the sec-
on, and especially to the inferences deducible from
the account given by Lewis and Clark, of the country
*tuated between the Missouri and the Rocky Mountains,
above the River platte, the vast region commencing
*ar the sources of the Sabine, Trinity, Brasis, and Co-
lorado, and extending northwardly to the 49th degree of
*orth latitude, by which the United States’ territory is
*nited, in that direction, is, throughout, of a similar cha-
**ter. The whole of this region seems peculiarly adapt-
ed as a range for buffaloes, wild goats, and other wild
*me, incalculable multitudes of which find ample pastur-
*And subsistence upon it.”
This region, however, viewed as a frontier, may

prove of infinite importance to the United States, inasmuch as it is calculated to serve as a barrier to prevent too great an extension of our population westward, and secure us against the machinations or incursions of an enemy, that might be disposed to annoy us in that quarter.” It would seem that nature had secured this last refuge to the tribes inhabiting this vast region, but this will fail them, if we protect our trappers and hunters by an armed force, who are traversing every part of this region, destroying the beaver and buffalo, and which must effectually destroy the native inhabitants by taking from then their very means of subsistence. The Rocky Mountains, and inhospitable regions adjoining them, within our boundaries, may be estimated at 40,000 square miles, making, in all, 200,000 square miles of country, which will never admit of a white population. . Add to this about 50,000 square miles of ter. ritory, lying between the Rocky Mountains and the Western Ocean, which, although susceptible of a white population, may be permanently secured by treaties and conventions to the natives of the soil. This would altogether form a region of 250,000 square miles—a very small portion of the immense continent, which, three centuries ago, belonged exclusively to the red men of the then Western world. The different tribes between the meridian of Council Bluffs and the Rocky Mountains, may be estimated at 120,000 souls; those West of the Rocky Mountains, at 80,000. . If they were made secure, in the possession of this territory, their population would increase; and a part of the remnants of the tribes now in the bounds of the States, would, with the aid of our government, remove into this reserved territory, where they could hope to rest in peace. From a late message of the President of the United States, it appears, that the whole number of Indians remaining in our States and Territories may be estimated at 129,000, all of whom, it is desirable, should remove beyond the Mississippi. It is probable that as many as 80,000 of them may be induced to remove beyond the meridian of Council Bluffs; the residue will probably remain till they gradually become extinct, as numerous and once powerful tribes have already done in the Atlantic States. This would make a population, for a region of 250,000 square miles, of 300,000 souls.The British Government are famed for their magnificent plans for ameliorating the condition of the human race. Would they not readily join the government of the United States in any measure that might be necessary to secure the whole territory claimed by both parties West of the Rocky Mountains to the present possessors of the soil It is an object worthy of the united exertions of the two governments—of the united exertions of Europe and America. No object so interesting to humanity has presented itself to the present age—we have institutions for the colonization of our black population—for extending the benefits of religion and civilization to the most remote parts of the earth—while the miserable remnants of the innumerable tribes that once possessed this whole continent, seem doomed to be swept from the face of the earth, by the irresistible flow of a white, civilized, Christain population, without one great effort to save them. To this abused race we owe an immense debt, only to be obliterated by their extermination, which will happen in a short period, unless the civilized world will extend the means of preservation. Of the numerous tribes that once traversed the Atlantic States, the proud and fearless owners of the soil—Where are they now * With those who lived before the flood. In all the old states, except Georgia, there are to be found no more than 8,000 souls of this unhappy race. The residue exterminated, except a few who have retreated beyond the Alleghany Mountains, and who still linger in this world, to lament their wretched condition, and to relate the melancholy history of their wrongs. We have lately passed a law for the preservation of

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the Indian tribes within the United States, by which a permanent residence is to be provided for them West of the State of Missouri and the Territory of Arkansas, provided they will consent to be transferred to this region; and the faith of the nation is to be pledged, that they shall be permanently protected in the peaceable possession of this country. If we should permit them to pos: sess the country eastwardly of the meridian of Council Bluffs, and bounded on the South by the Arkansas Territory, on the East by the State of Missouri and the Mississippi river, and the Red river, up to the latitude of 49, it would be an addition of thirty or forty thousand square miles to the region already described, and furnish a safe, ample, and happy retreat to all the tribes who shall think proper to embrace the offers of our government. As to the Oregon Territory, it can never be of any pecuniary advantage to the United States, but it may be made the means of promoting, in a most signal manner, the cause of humanity; and this is the best possible disposition that can be made of it ; while the worst would be the adoption of the P. of the present bill.

Mr. 15. concluded by moving that the bill lie on the table, which was carried. Ayes 19, Noes 17.

The folsoving message was received from the President of the United States:

To the Senate of the United States:

Just before the termination of the last session, an act entitled “An act concerning wrecks on the coast of Florida,” which was then proposed, was presented to me, with many others, and approved, and, as I thought, signed. It appeared, however, after the adjournment that the evidence of such approbation had not been attached to it. Whether the act may be considered, in force under such circumstances, is a point on which it belongs not to me to decide. To remove all doubt on the subject, I submit to the consideration of Congress, the propriety of passing a declaratory act to that effect.

JAMES MONROE. Feb. 26, 1825.

The Senate then passed an hour in the consideration of Executive business ; after which, various acts brought over from the other House, severally received their first reading. The Senate proceeded, as in committee of the whole, to consider the bill granting the consent of Congress to the act of the Legislature of Alabama, authorizing the imposition of duties on vessels, for the improvement of the port of Mobile. The act of the Legislature of Alabama having been read— * Mr. LLOYD, of Mass. opposed the bill, on the ground of its being a direct violation of the ninth section of the Constitution, which declares that no preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce, or revenue, to the ports of one state over those of another; nor shall vessels bound to, or from one state, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another. If a vessel were to leave new York for Mobile, it would have to pay tonnage duty twice; but reverse the case, and the vessel departing from Mobile would only pay tluty once. This was giving a preference to one port over another; and the consequence of this bill would be that the harbors of the South would be built up and cleaned out at the expense of the North. Mr. KING, of Alab. and Mr. BROWN, supported the bill, referring to various precedents, and arguing its constitutionality from the 10th section of the Constitution, where it is declared that no state shall, without the con. seat of Congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or exports. They were acting in strict compliance with the constitution, in seeking the approbation of Congress to the measure. They showed the advantages which would be derived by the port of Mobile by the passing

this bill. It only applied to vessels drawing a certain depth of water, and would, when its object was accom. plished, expire of itself. Mr. SMITH made a few remarks, but did not oppose the bill, as the Legislature of Alabama had given their consent to the measure. Mr. HOLMES, of Maine, was satisfied of the constitu. tionality of the measure, but thought the duties intended to be imposed were too high. To give time, therefore, to prepare an amendment, he moved that the Semic adjourn. 0. The Senate then, at half past three, adjourned.


Mr. WINTON, from the Committee on the Publ: Lands, made a report in favor of the following resol, tion, viz. : “That the several states which have been admitted into the Union, under any compact prohibiting such states from laying and collecting a tax on land for fir: years next succeeding the sale of such land by the Unit ed States, shall be severally permitted, whenever the may deem it expedient, to subject all lands, hereafter sold by the United States, within their respective limits to the same tax that they may levy and collect on land, not subject to the provisions of such compacts.” The resolution was ordered to lie on the table. Mr. M'KIM moved to take up the bill to extend the privilege of deposite in public and other storehouses; § the House refused, ayes 56, noes 64, to considerth, ill. The House then went into committee of the whole, Mr. M'Coy in the chair, on the bill to exempt the Pre sident, Faculty, and Students, of the Columbian College, from militia duty. The bill having been read, Mr. WICKLIFFE, in or der to test the sense of the House in relation to its prim. ciple, moved to strike out the first section. The motion was opposed by Mr. HAMILTON, who after some general observations on the importance and value of seminaries of learning, observed, that this bill only extended the same exemption to the students of the College in this District, which was allowed by the laws of New York, of Massachusetts, of Vermont, and, in deed, of almost all the states, to persons similarly situal. ed, in those states. The committee who reported the bill had been cautious to insert a clause securing the service of the students in cases of necessity. He repre: sented the pernicious effects of attending a military Fo rade, on the minds of young lads engaged in their st: dies, and argued the propriety of exempting both then and their instructors from such attendance. The motion to strike out the first section of the bil was then put, and negatived. Mr. BRENT' moved to amend the bill, by making: provisions apply to the Georgetown College, and all other seminaries of learning in the District; which, after some discussion between Messrs. BRENT, WHIPPLE, and CULPEPER, was agreed to. The bill was then reported, and ordered to be er grossed for a third reading on Monday.

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conditions and spirit of the compact between the several states; and that such measures would be dangerous to the safety of the states holding slaves, and be calculated to disturb the peace and harmony of the Union.” Mr. HAYNE said, that, in asking the leave of the Senate to lay the foregoing resolution on the table, he was calling their attention to a subject of the most vital importance to those whom he had the honor to represent, and closely connected with the rights and interests of the Southern states. It would be recollected that a ution had been submitted a few days ago, by an hoorable gentleman from New York (Mr. KING,) which proposed, (without any request from the states, or any call by them on the General Government for aid,) to set apart, and pledge a fund, for the emancipation and removal from the United States, “of such slaves as, by the laws of the states, respectively, may be allowed to be emancipated and removed;” which resolution had been laid upon the table, with a declaration, that it was not to be called up for consideration. This course had put it out of the power of the Southern members, whose constituents were deeply interested in the proposition, to show the unconstitutional character and dangerous tendency of measures of this nature. The only course which was left them to pursue, was to lay on the table a counter resolution, intended as a solemn protest against any unsolicited interference on the part of the Federal Government, with the subject, which properly belonged to the states, and which involved not only the peace but the existence of those states—a subject with which it was conceived the Federal Government had nothing to do, and concerning which Congress could not possess that species of information necessary to wise and safe legislation. The resolution was laid on the table accordingly.


Mr. WEBSTER, from the Committee on the Judiciao, reported a bill “concerning wrecks on the coast of Florida.” Mr. WEBSTER explained the circumstances under which the bill came before the House. It was the bill to which the President refers in his message, as having been passed and approved last session, but omitted to be signed. The opinion of the Judiciary Committee was, that the bill had no validity until signed by the President, and they therefore now reported the bill in onal form, but having a prospective operation only. Mr. CALL stated that the act had been understood *in force, and had, in its operation, produced a large revenue to the United States. . The bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading this day. Mr. MERCER laid on the table the following: Rese'ved, That the President of the United States be oquested to enter upon, and prosecute, from time to one, such negotiations with the maritime powers of *otope and America, as he may deem expedient for the effectual abolition of the slave Trade, and its ultimate denunciation as piracy, under the law of mations, by the *ent of the civilized world. This resolve lies for one day of course. Mr. CONWAY, of Arkansas, offered the following: Resolved, That the President of the United states be oquested to cause a survey to be made of the obstructions in Red River, usually denominated Rafts, and cause on estimate of the expense necessary to remove the * to be laid before Congress at the next session. * CONWAY stated what had formerly been done * subject, and explained the object of the resolu. * McDuFFIE opposed the resolution, as it gave "Pocial instructions to the Executive on a general sub

ject. All the Engineers would be employed on more
important objects, already undertaken, and none could
be spared. He suggested that the resolution be modi-
fied so as to let the officers of the army in the neighbor-
hood be employed on this object.
Mr. CONWAY accepted the modification.
Mr. LIVINGSTON advocated the resolve, and Mr.
SHARPE opposed it as unnecessary, and moved to lay
it on the table; which was carried.

*IN SENATE.-Tuesday, Manch 1, 1825.


The Senate took up the bill from the other House “to reduce into one the several acts establishing and regulating the Post Office Establishment.” The Committee on the Post Office, amongst other amendments, proposed to strike out the provision which allows the exchange of papers between newspaper printers, free of postage. This amendment was briefly opposed by Mr. HAYNE and Mr. LOW R1E, and supported by Mr. CHANDLER, and was rejected without a division. A considerable time was spent by the Senate in discussing the numerous provisions of this bill. Among the proceedings, the following were the most material: The bill proposed to give to members of Congress the right of franking for sixty days before and sixty days after each session of Congress. This period Mr. MACON moved to reduce to twenty days before and after each session. This motion was opposed by Messrs. JOHNSON, of Ken. CHANDLER, and HOLMES, of Maine, on the ground that the right, was not conferred as a personal benefit, but to enable rhembers to receive and transmit letters relating to public business, of their constituents, &c. Mr. MACON supported his Hohn on the ground of principle, and an adherence to the original rule of the Government. The amendment was negatived without a division. On motion of Mr. MACON, “assistant postmasters and clerks, employed in any post office,” were included in the prohibition, which restricts postmasters from being concerned in any contract for carrying the mail. Mr. PARROTT made an unsuccessful motion to allow to the Inspector Generals of the Army the privilege of franking letters on official business. After some minor amendments to the bill, it was reported to the Senate. The question was taken on striking out the following section of the bill: “That it shall be the duty of every postmaster, who shall hereafter resign his office, to give twenty days' notice of his intention to do so which notice, if there be no newspaper published at the place where he shall keep the office, he shall put up in writing, on the door of the post office, and at the doors of at least two of the most public houses convenient thereto : But, if there be a newspaper published in the city, town, or village, where such office is kept, then such notice shall be inserted at least twice in said paper within said twenty days.” - A. it was stricken out by a large majority The bill, as amended, was then ordered to a third reading. OCCUPATION OF THE OREGON.

Mr. HAYNE renewed the motion to take up the bill authorizing the occupation of the mouth of the Oregon river. He thought that justice required that an opportunity should be given to the gentleman from Missouri, (Mr. BENton,) to answer the statements and arguments delivered by Mr. Dickenson against the bill. It was a matter of public interest that the information which he

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