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MARCH 1, 1825.]

made for the benefit of the West.

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In 1783, Great Bri- enjoying the exclusive commerce have probably chetain stipulated, among other things, to surrender the rished an impression so favorable to its continuance, posts of Niagara, Detroit, and Mackinaw; yet she re-growing out of the incomplete survey of Lieut. Brough tained them for thirteen years, in violation of that treaty, and for the avowed purpose of monopolizing the fur trade, and retaining the command of the Northwestern Indians. Two Indian wars, and the desolation of the frontiers of Kentucky and Ohio, were the fruits of that perfidious policy. At length we have another treaty, stipulating, among other things, for the surrender of another Western post; and already ten years have elapsed, and the post is not surrendered! The cause of retention is the same-the fur trade and the Indians; the fruits will be the same-fresh wars with the Indians, and the desolation of the frontiers of Michigan, Illinois, Missouri, and Arkansas.

But gentlemen have put some questions, which I feel myself bound to answer. They have asked, What are to be the advantages of this occupation? What the effect upon this Union? What its effect upon the Asiatic Powers?

I answer, the advantages will be

1. In securing to us the fur trade of the Rocky Mountains, the Upper Missouri, and the Columbia, worth, peradventure, a million of dollars per` annum, for a century

to come.

2. In preventing the British and Russians from acquir. ing the control of the Indians on the waters of the Colambia. These Indians are estimated at 140,000 souls, possess the finest horses, and are among the best horsemen in the world. The present age has seen the Cossacs of the Don and Ukraine, ravaging the banks of the Seine and the Loire; the next may see the Cossacs of the Oregon issuing in clouds from the gorges of the Rocky Mountains, and sweeping, with the besom of desolation, the banks of the Missouri and Mississippi.

In

ton, made under the orders of Vancouver, in 1792. It is true, that there is a bar extending across the river, at either extremity of which are, at times, appalling breakers; but it is equally true, that it offers, at the lowest tides, a depth of twenty-one feet of water, [the tide rising eight feet twice in twenty-four hours, throughout a passage, exempt from them, of nearly a league in width. The Blossom, carrying more guns than the Ontario, encountered a change of wind while in the channel, was compelled to let go the anchor, and when again weigh. ad, to tack and beat, in order to reach the harbor, yet found a greater depth, and met with no difficulty either then or on leaving the bay. The survey marked C, may be relied on for its accuracy. The bearings, distances, and soundings, were taken by Captain Hickey, who was kind enough to lend himself to the examination, and to furnish me with this result. It is the more interesting, as it shows that, with the aid of buoys, the access to vessels of almost any tonnage may be rendered secure. addition to this, it is susceptible of entire defence, be. cause a ship, after passing the bar, in order to avoid the breaking of the sea on one of the banks, is obliged to bear up directly for the knoll forming the cape, at all times to approach within a short distance of its base, and most frequently then to anchor. Thus, a small battery erected on this point, in conjunction with the surges on the opposite side, would so endanger the approach as to deter an enemy, however hardy, from the attempt. This outlet, the only one between the 38th and 53d degrees of north latitude, embraces the entire range of country from the ocean to the mountains, and its interior unites the advantage of a water communication throughout, by means of the many streams tributary to the Columbia, 3. In giving us a naval station on the coast of the Pa- two of which disembogue opposite to each other, within cific. The want of such a station was fully exemplified twenty-five leagues of the port, are navigable, and nearin the cruise of Commodore Porter, during the late war.ly of equal magnitude with this beautiful river." In that cruise, we had the extraordinary spectacle of a 4. In opening a communication between the Valley of naval commander traversing, for three years, a sea infest-the Mississippi and the Pacific Ocean. ed with enemies, sometimes burning his prizes on the This was the object of Mr. Jefferson in sending out ocean, sometimes hiding them in distant islands, some- Lewis and Clark to explore the line of the Missouri and times seeking the enemy, and sometimes flying from a Columbia rivers. That great man, always intent upon superior force, and at last sustaining a murderous attack, benefiting the human race, had conceived the grand and losing his ship, in a neutral port. The loss sustained idea of a commercial intercourse with India upon this on that occasion, in prizes and a frigate, (to say nothing line of communication. But Lewis and Clark were ex. of lives, above all price,) was fifty or a hundred times plorers, without guides, and often fell on the most diffithe amount of appropriation in this bill. And this loss cult and circuitous routes. Subsequent adventurers we must expect to undergo, in all subsequent wars, un- have been more successful. In passing the Ridge of the less we provide a post of our own in the Pacific Ocean. Rocky Mountains, Lewis and Clark wandered 12 or 1300 But it is not ships of war alone, and their prizes, which miles, over rocks, precipices, and mountains, in getting we are to lose for want of such a post. Our merchant from the Falls of Missouri to the Forks of Clark's River; vessels need the same accommodation both in peace and points which are only 150 miles apart, and between war. The numerous vessels engaged in the whale fish- which there is a well-beaten Indian and Buffalo road, ery, in the commerce of the Northwest coast with the over good ground, and through a country abounding Islands of the Pacific Ocean, and even with China and with grass, game, and horses. In fact, there is no diffi Japan, demand this accommodation; and not a govern-culty in any part of the route. The furs taken in the ment upon earth, save that of these United States, would Rocky Mountains will descend the Columbia to the Pahesitate to grant it. To gain a post in the same sea, cific Ocean, and thence cross the sea to China. The Russia has endeavored to open a harbor in the frozen re- same vessel can bring a return cargo of East India goods, gion of Kamtschatka,and among the sand banks of Okots- and can ascend the Columbia to the head of tide water, ky To gain this very Columbia, England is resorting 183 miles. The Great Falls can be passed by a portage to every trick of diplomacy, to the violation of treaties, of 400 yards on the left bank, and 1200 on the right; and to the audacity of menacing war; yet the Congress but, during the periodical floods, in the months of April, of the United States hesitates, delays to take possession May, and June, they can be passed without any portage of its own, and endangers its title by neglecting to en- at all. Vessels may be lifted over the fall by a vast lock, force it. In their blind and contradictory opposition, neither made nor filled by the hands of man. Mr. B. exsome gentlemen represent the mouth of the Columbia plained this phenomenon-one of the most grand and as unfit for the purposes of a naval station; but the re- striking in the works of nature. The Great Falls had a port of Mr. Prevost, and the anxiety of the British to ob- pitch of thirty-eight feet perpendicular. Immediately tain it, are conclusive refutations of such objections. below, the river spread out into a basin of three miles Mr. Prevost says:— diameter. The river issued from this basin through a channel narrower than that by which it entered. The consequence was, that, in every annual flood, the basin filled up; the refluent current rolled back upon the Fall,

"The bay is spacious, contains several anchoring places in a sufficient depth of water, and is by no means so difficult of ingress as has been represented. Those

Senate.]

Occupation of the Oregon River.

[MARCH 1, 1825.

buried it, and presented four feet of smooth water, where, hand of nature, and posterity will neither lack sense to in the absense of the flood, there was a pitch of thirty-see, nor resolution to step up to them. Westward, we eight. The passage through the mountains was free from difficulty. For eight months in the year, snow and sleighs could be relied upon. From the foot of the mountains issued the Missouri river, navigable, without the slightest obstruction, to its junction with the Missis sippi, two thousand five hundred and seventy-five measured miles. Mr. B. then adverted to two circumstances, which would facilitate the introduction of East India goods upon the line of the Columbia and Missouri rivers: first, the goods to be introduced were of little weight, small bulk, and great value; secondly, the river to be ascended was short, the one to be descended was long: And he expressed the most confident belief, that, within one year after the occupation of the Columbia, the rich productions of the East Indies would flow into the valley of the Mississippi, upon this new and truly national route.

can speak without reserve, and the ridge of the Rocky Mountains may be named without offence, as presenting a convenient, natural, and everlasting boundary. Along the back of this ridge, the Western limit of this republic should be drawn, and the statue of the fabled god, Ter minus, should be raised upon its highest peak, never to be thrown down. In planting the seed of a new power on the coast of the Pacific ocean, it should be well understood that, when strong enough to take care of itself, the new Government should separate from the mother Empire, as the child separates from the parent at the age of manhood. The heights of the Rocky Mountains should divide their possessions; and the mother Repub. lic would find herself indemnified for her cares and expense about the infant power, in the use of a post in the Pacific Ocean, the protection of her interests in that sea, the enjoyment of the fur trade, the control of the In5. But the greatest of all advantages to be derived dians, the exclusion of a monarchy from her border, the from the occupation of this country, is in the exclusion.frustration of the hostile schemes of Great Britain, and, of foreign powers from it. It is a country too great and above all, in the erection of a new Republic, composed too desirable, to remain longer without civilized inhabi-of her children, speaking her language, inheriting her tants. In extent, soil, and climate, it is superior to the principles, devoted to liberty and equality, and ready to old thirteen United States. In 1804, it was written by stand by her side against the combined powers of the Humboldt, "that the banks of the Columbia invites Eu- old world. Gentlemen may think that this is looking ropeans to found a fine colony there, for its banks afford rather deep into the chapter of futurity; but the contra fertile land in abundance, covered with superb timber." ry is the fact. The view I take is both near and clear. In 1805 Russia attempted to colonize it; but the ship Within a century from this day, a population, greater destined for that purpose, and carrying the. Emperor's than that of the present United States, will exist on the chamberlain, and ambassador to Japan and China, the West side of the Rocky Mountains. I do not deal in Count Resanoff, missed the mouth of the river, went paradoxes, but in propositions as easily demonstrated as down upon the coast of California, and there commenced the problems in Euclid. Here, then, is the demonstra a settlement. England now has her iron grasp upon it, tion: Dividing our portion of this continent into five and it will require a vigorous effort of policy, and per- equal parts, and there will be found, in the valley of the haps of arms, to break her hold. Even if foreign pow- Mississippi, three parts; on the East side of the Alle ers had no desire to aggrandize themselves with this pos. rany Mountains one part, on the West of the Rocky session mere adventurers might enter upon it, as Æneas Mountains, one part. Population will distribute itself entered upon the Tyber, and as our forefathers came accordingly; three parts in the valley, and one part on upon the Potomac, the Delaware, and the Hudson, and each of the appurtenant slopes. Within a century, the renew the phenomenon of mere individuals laying the population of the whole will be one hundred and sixty! foundation of a future empire. In the mean time, our millions; of which a hundred millions will drink the waPresident has proclaimed the principle, and the whole ters which flow into the Mississippi, and sixty millions nation has responded to it, that no part of this continent will be found upon the lateral streams which flow, East is open to European colonization; but what signifies the and West, towards the rising and the setting sun. The proclamation of a just and noble principle, unless it is calculation is reducible to mathematical precision. We supported by money and arms? When have the rights double our numbers once in twenty-five years, and of nations been respected, merely because they were must continue to do so until the action of the prolijust? When has an individual, or a sovereign power, fic principle in man shall be checked by the same cause gained respect or justice for itself, by a pusillanimous which checks it in every race of animals-the stint of desertion of their own rights? food. This cannot happen with us until every acre of our generous soil shall be put in requisition; until the product of more than a thousand millions of acres shall be insufficient to fill the mouths which feed upon them. This will require more people than a century can produce, even at the rate of doubling once in twenty-five years; a rate which will give us one hundred and sixty millions in the year 1920: that is to say, twenty millions more than the Roman Empire contained in the time of Augustus Cæsar. A century is but a point in the age of a nation. The life of an individual often spans it; and many are the children now born, who will see the year 1920, and the accomplishment of the great events which their nurses believe to be impossible.

Mr. B. proceeded to the next inquiry, The effect which the occupation of the Columbia would have upon

this Union.

On this point he could speak for himself only, but he would speak without reserve. He believed that the Union of these states would not be jeoparded by the occupation of that river, but that it would be the means of planting the germ of a new and independent power, beyond the Rocky Mountains. There was a beginning, - and a natural progress in the order of all things. The -military post on the Columbia would be the nucleus of a settlement. Farmers, traders, and artisans, would collect about it. When arrived at some degree of strength and population, the young society would sicken of a military Upon the people of Eastern Asia, the establishment government, and sigh for the establishment of a civil au- of a civilized power upon the opposite coast of America, thority. A territorial government obtained, the full en-could not fail to produce great and wonderful benefits. joyment of state rights would next be demanded; and, these acquired, loud clamors would soon be heard against the hardship of coming so far to the seat of Government. All this would be in the regular order of events, and the consequence should be foreseen and provided for. This Republic should have limits. The present occasion does not require me to say where these limits should be found on the North and South; but they are fixed by the

Science, liberal principles in government, and the true religion, might cast their lights across the intervening sea. The valley of the Columbia might become the granary of China and Japan, and an outlet to their imprisoned and exuberant population. The inhabitants of the oldest and the newest, the most despotic and the freest Governments, would become the neighbors, and, peradventure, the friends of each other." They have

MAR. 1, 1825.] Occupation of the Oregon River.—Suppression of Piracy. [Sen. & H. of R.

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the same enemies, and by consequence, should stand to-structed to report to this House, at the next session of gether as friends. Russia and the legitimates menace Congress, whether any, and, if any, what, effect would be Turkey, Persia, China, and Japan; they menace them produced upon the revenue and commerce of the United for their riches and dominions; the same powers menace States, by extending the time within which merchanthe two Americas for the popular forms of their govern-dise may be exported with the benefit of debenture, ments. To my mind the proposition is clear, that East- from one to two years; and what amount of duties ought ern Asia, and the two Americas, as they have become to be retained to repay the disbursements of the Treaneighbors, should become friends; that they should sury upon that branch of trade. And also whether any stand together upon a sense of common danger; and I, additional Government storehouses will be necessary, if for one, said Mr. B. had as iief see American ambassa- the system of deposite, now applicable to wines, teas, dors going to the Emperors of China and Japan, to the and distilled spirits, should be extended to merchandise King of Persia, and even to the Grand Turk, as to see of every description." them dancing attendance upon those European legiti Mr. McDUFFIE laid on the table the following: mates, who hold every thing American in contempt and Resolved, That the Constitution of the United States detestation. ought to be so amended that the mode of voting for PreMr. B. concluded with saying, that these were specu-sident and Vice President shall be uniform, and that the lations of his own, shooting far ahead of the proposition people shall vote directly for the aforesaid officers by under debate. The proposition is to execute the Ghent districts. treaty, to expel the British from the Columbia River, to Resolved, That the Constitution ought to be further perfect our title, by reducing the disputed teritory to amended so as to prevent the election of the aforesaid possession; and, whatever use we may make of it after-officers from devolving upon either branch of Congress, wards, whether we shall hold it as a military post and na- by providing that, in case no person shall obtain the val station, settle it as a colony, or found a new Repub. votes of a majority of the said districts, the people shall lic upon it, there were certain preliminary points on proceed to choose the officers aforesaid, from the two which Mr. B. believed that both the Senate and the Peo-persons having the highest number of votes for the said ¡ple of the United States would cordially agree, namely, offices, respectively. neither to be tricked nor bullied out of their land, nor to suffer a monarchical power to grow up upon it.

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Resolved, That a select committee be appointed, with instructions to prepare a joint reselution for amend ing the constitution, in conformity with the foregoing

In the course of Mr. BENTON'S Speech, Mr. DICKERSON denied that he had acknowledged the right of the Bri-resolutions." tish Government to any part of the territory of Oregon.] On motion of Mr. FORSYTH, the House went into Mr. LOWRIE moved to lay the bill on the table; committee of the whole on the state of the Union, Mr. which motion was decided by yeas and nays, as follows: COCKE in the chair, on the bill from the Senate for the YEAS.-Messrs. Barton, Beli, Branch, Brown, Chand-suppression of piracy. The bill was read by sections,

ler, Clayton, D'Wolf, Dickerson, Edwards, Elliott, Findlay, Gaillard, Holmes, of Maine, King, of Alab., Lanman, Lowrie, Macon, Parrott, Seymour, Smith, Tazewell, Van Buren, Van Dyke, Williams.-25.

NAYS.-Messrs. Barbour, Benton, Bouligny, Cobb, Hayne, Jackson, Johnson, of Ken. Johnston, of Lou. Lloyd, of Mass. Mills, Noble, Ruggles, Talbot, Thomas. -14.

Mr. MILLS submitted the following resolution: Resolved, That a committee be appointed to make such arrangements as may be necessary for the reception of the President, on the occasion of his inauguration. The resolution was read, and a committee appointed, consisting of the following gentlemen:

Messrs. MILLS, VAN BUREN, and EATON.

The Senate took up, as in committee of the whole, the bill to provide for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States, and for other purposes.

A considerable time was spent in the discussion of the details of this bill, which was participated in by Messrs. HAYNE, HOLMES, of Maine, COBB, CHANDLER, DICKERSON, VAN BUREN, BROWN, JOHNSON, of Ken. and TALBOT.

On the question, Shall the amendments be engrossed, and the bill read a third time? it was decided in the affirmative, by Yeas and Nays, as follows:

and gave rise to the following debate:

Mr. FORSYTH, Chairman of the Committee of Foreign Relations, (to which committee the subject was referred in this House) rose, for the purpose of briefly stating what would be the effect of the bill. For this purpose he gave a short summary of the amount of each section. The first section, he said, went to increase the present number of our sloops of war-a class of vessels now considered by the Executive as peculiarly fit for this service. It was true that, in 1822, a different opinion prevailed, and measures were taken corresponding to that opinion.

The second section authorized the President to direct the officers, commanding this squadron, to land their forces when in fresh pursuit of pirates, to withdraw from the jurisdiction of Cuba and Porto Rico the persons apprehended, and to bring them to the United States for trial.

There did not exist any necessity for granting this provision of the bill, since the President has it already by the law of nations. And Mr. F. thought this part of the bill objectionable on another account. It referred only to Porto Rico and Cuba-but, if the right exists, it exists in relation to all other places, as well as to these Islands. And if it does not exist, and is to be given by this bill, it ought to be given in relation to all places. If the section was proper at all, it ought to be made universal in its form.

YEAS. Messrs. Barbour, Barton, Bell, Benton, Branch, Cobb, Clayton, D'Wolf, Eaton, Elliott, Findlay, Gaillard, Hayne, Holmes, of Maine, Jackson, Johnson, The third section restricted the carrying of specie by of Ky. Johnston, of Lou. Kelly, King, of Alabama, Lan-armed vessels of the United States, unless when exman, Lloyd, of Mass. Lowrie, Mills, Noble, Parrott, Sey-pressly permitted by the President of the United States, mour, Smith, Tazewell, Thomas, Van Buren, Williams

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or the Navy Department. According to representations of our agent in Cuba, serious injury had resulted to the commerce of the United States, from this practice. The force which was intended to be employed in guarding that commerce against pirates, had been diverted to a different purpose. The section was intended to remedy this state of things.

The fourth section secured on all recaptures by merchant vessels, a certain salvage. The reasons for such a provision were obvious. But they did not apply mo

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to Cuba or Porto Rico, than to all other parts of the world. Piracies exist in the Indian ocean; merchant vessels are armed by law, and are entitled to the same salvage there as in the West Indies. This section, if adopted, therefore, ought also to be universal.

[MARCH 1, 1825.

the suppression of piracy. If means are wanting, they should be given: if men are wanted, authorize their enlistment: If money, appropriate it: If a naval force of an unusual description, authorize its creation. Give all that is needed, and hold the Executive responsible for a just and effectual application of the means afforded. But no measures of an extraordinary character would be either for the interest or honor of the United States. By extraordinary measures, Mr. F. meant such measures as operated upon the Government of Spain, and would only be justified on the principle, that the Spanish Go

The fifth section provided for the capture of piratical boats, &c. by vessels of the United States, and the dis- | tribution of the proceeds. The sixth section requires that no armed merchant vessel shall receive a clearance until bond has been given in double the value of the vessel, for the correct conduct of the officers and crew on board, and to secure their obedience to such instruc-vernment was responsible for the acts of the pirates, tions as shall be given by the President of the United States. The act of 1818 requires that all merchant vessels, arming in self-defence, shall give bonds for their correct conduct. The only difference between that act and the present, in this respect, is, that the amount of the bond is varied; by the act of 1818,the penalty is double the amount of vessel and cargo, and no obligation to obey the President's instructions is required.

The seventh section authorized the President to give suitable instructions to armed merchant vessels.

The eighth section allowed five per cent. of all prizes taken, for a pension fund.

The ninth and tenth sections designated the persons to whom the persions are to be paid. The ninth provides for officers, and the tenth for widows and children. The eleventh and last section limited the operation of the law to one year.

Having thus gone through a general sketch of the provisions of the bill, Mr. F. adverted to the report of the Committee of Foreign Relations, on this subject.

The correspondence with the Spanish Government, laid before the House by the President, shows that our Exe cutive does not hold Spain responsible for the piracies committed by persons who either sail from, or take refuge in the dominions of that power; nor has any step been taken to create that responsibility. The only ap plication officially made is, for co-operation in putting down the pirates, and for permission to our forces to enter Spanish territory for that object. In December, 1822, prior to any official application from the United States, the Constitutional Government officially announ ced to the United States, that the naval force of Spain should be increased on the stations of Cuba, Porto Rico, Porto Cabello, and St. Juan de Ulloa, for the express purpose of suppressing piracy; and that orders were given to the Commanding General at Havana, to exterminate the pirates. In March, 1822, Gov. Mahy had issued at Havana a decree prescribing severe regu lations of police to prevent piracy, and to facilitate the detection of the crime, should it be committed by per That Committee conceived that no legislative provi- sons belonging to the Island of Cuba. In May, 1823, sions were required by the posture of our affairs with Gen. Vives issued a circular to the local authorities to Spain. For the reasons given in their report, our just aid Commodore Porter, then arrived on the coast, to claims upon Spain for spoliations committed by Spanish suppress piracy. The correspondence of Commodore officers, acting in obedience to Spanish decrees, and Porter proves that this aid was given; and so important under Spanish commissions, should not be at present did he deem this co-operation that, in order to prevent vindicated by the exertion of our power. The promised any interruption of it, he sent off from Thompson's Island, Minister, who comes with full authority to stipulate their a privateer of Colombia, lest he should be supposed depayment, should be heard. Mr. FORSYTH could not, sirous to give shelter and aid to a vessel which was int without doing injustice to his own opinions, avoid stating terrupting the commerce of the Island of Cuba. Within that he felt no confident expectation that justice would the last five days a correspondence has been published, be done to the United States on the arrival of the re- in which Commodore Porter expresses to Gen. Vives, cently appointed minister. He apprehended that the his hearty thanks for the co-operation of that officer and object of this mission was "to gain time;" the aim and those under his command. With this show of anxiety the end too of all Spanish negotiation, and in which their to do what is right by Spain, and her Chief Officer, add diplomatists were eminently successful. As yet, how-ed to the punishment of pirates in Porto Rico, which are ever, the Government of Spain had not derived any sig-known to have been inflicted, it would be scarcely jus nal advantage from the success of their labors. We shall, no doubt, be compelled, eventually, to do justice to ourselves, but, for our own character, he desired that measures of compulsion should be delayed to the last hour. Without recalling to the recollection of the committee the suggestions contained in the report, Mr. F. would make a single remark, which would place the members in possession of the views of the committee.

The situation of Spain was deplorable, and ours, in relation to Spain, peculiar. Spain had vast and rich possessions in our neighborhood. The Government was imbecile. Her colonies will be the property of any power that chooses to take them. It is the common sentiment of European politicians, that Spain must fall to pieces, and that the United States are happily situated to take advantage of that event. Mr. F. was deeply anxious to satisfy all mankind that the Government of this country looked forward to no such advantages, and that, if ever any portion of the dominions of Spain come under our power, our conduct should bear the scrutiny even of those most anxious to fix upon us the charges of ambi.

tion and avarice.

As it regarded the piratical depredations upon our commerce, and that of the rest of the world, Mr. F. said, no_extraordinary measures were deemed necessary or proper. The Executive has all the power necessary for

tifiable to adopt any measures against Spain, especially as we have never given notice to Spain of such an intention. The United States have not yet said to Spain, Suppress these abominations, or we will hold you, in the sight of God and man, responsible for them: Exercise your power, or we will exercise our power. Until this was done, we should not think of acting upon Cuba. It was but too true, that an infamous depravity of moral feeling prevailed in Cuba on the subject of piracy, and the corruption of Spanish tribunals was sufficiently notorious. Can we act upon the dominions of a foreign power because the people are vicious, or the tribunals impure? The laws of nations do not permit us to enter into crusades for the correction of the vices of our neigh bors, nor to enter into their territory to inquire into the purity of their tribunals. However well convinced we may be of their corruption, we cannot say that we, the people of the United States, are more unjustly treat ed than other foreigners, or than Spanish subjects. The charge of corruption has been of long standing against Spanish tribunals, with probably but too much reason. The mode of administering the laws leads naturally to cor ruption and injustice. Judges, often a single judge, decides upon matters of law and fact-the witnesses are examined ex parte; and whenever a suit begins, the first effort of the parties litigant is to influence the judge in

MARCH 1, 1825.]

Suppression of Piracy.

[H. of R.

their favor, by favor, flattery, or something worse. The to settle any nice points of diplomacy, by considering judges, however, are, in one thing, quite impartial, they whether we had borne the outrages of the pirates, and are as ready to be influenced on the right side as the demanded redress from Spain for the shelter and counwrong one; and when justice can, and will wield a purse tenance which they had received in her Islands, long as long as injustice, the tribunals of Spain can be trusted enough to justify against her an appeal to force or not. as safely as other tribunals. The rule of international law Another part of the remarks of the gentleman from is well understood even in matters of property; every de- Georgia, Mr. F. said, he thought called for more partifinitive sentence, regularly pronounced, is to be esteem- cular notice. He had charged the government with imed just, and executed as such. The rule admits of ex- becility or fickleness, because they had required schoonceptions: they are, when justice is refused to a foreigners, and other small vessels, for the suppression of piracy er-palpable or evident injustice done, or rules and two years since, while now they had discovered that forms openly violated-or, finally, an odious distinction such small craft were incompetent and unsuitable, and made to the prejudice of foreigners. In these cases, vessels of a larger size were recommended. But this the government whose tribunals are unjust, is responsi- change of system, said Mr. F. arises entirely from the ble. Justice is, however, to be sought in the usual change, which has taken place in the nature and characform, by regular demand upon the government itself. ter of the warfare, which is now to be waged. At the You cannot, either by a well-founded charge of crimin- time the former force was provided, these lawless ma ality in the population of Cuba, or of the corruption of rauders were in possession of many small vessels, in the Spanish tribunals, act against the Spanish dominions which they adventured into the open sea, and into the without a previous demand of justice at the hands of various channels and roads of our West India commerce. their government. It was reasonable, therefore, to expect to meet them with our schooners, which were also well adapted to deceive and decoy them; and which, upon their flight, could pursue them into the shoal waters of the Islands, and prevent their escape, These purposes had been accomplished in many instances; and, during the past year, the pirates have been driven from the Ocean, and have seldom ventured more than a league or two from land. When our unarmed merchant vessels are becalm. ed, or pursuing their wonted course under the North side of the Island of Cuba, these freebooters put out from shore in open boats, and seize their helpless vic. tims. To scour the coast, to discover their lurking places, and arrest the plunderers in their dens, can only be done by launches and open boats, such as can be carried in the larger vessels which the bill proposes. At the proper time, said Mr. F. I intend to offer an amendment, authorizing the President to dispose of the small vessels, which are no longer wanted, and which are peculiarly inconvenient to the officers and seamen, and unfavorable alike to discipline and to health. Vessels of war, of the size now proposed, are well adapted to cruizing, are constructed on larger models than formerly, and are of the proper force to be commanded by Masters Commandant. While the expense of building them is little more than a third of that required for a frigate of the largest class; and the expense of keeping them in commission for a given period, is nearly in the same proportion; they are fully as competent for various sorts of service, especially in peace, as frigates or ships of the line.

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Mr. FORSYTH said he should have come to this conclusion with the greatest pain, if the documents did not prove that ordinary measures were sufficient to prevent piracy, when properly and exclusively devoted to that purpose. Whenever our naval power was where it ought to be, piracy was suppressed. The moment that power was withdrawn, it revived, and with additional horrors. He hoped that the naval force provided, or to be provided, would be faithfully devoted to prevent piracies; and if there was too much reason, from past experience, to dread their recurrence, that explicit warning would be given to Spain, that we should, hereafter, act upon Cuba or Porto Rico, if it should be necessary for our security or repose. Mr. F. was solicitous that no step should be taken by the United States which they should consider not justifiable, if taken, by any other commercial nation. If authority to invade Cuba is given, where will you stop? Resistance to a temporary descent will be followed by conquest and continued occupation. If the whole is occupied, how will it be reclaimed? The consequences are apparent. The principle which justifies us, will justify any other commercial power. England, France, Russia, may take and keep possession of Cuba for the common good of the commercial world. Suppose England (I take this Government as an example, because, quo ad hoc, she is the strongest, probably not more ambitious than either of her allies,) should think proper to seize Cuba, could we permit that power to hold it undisturbed? With Halifax on the North, and Havana at the South, she would hold the ends of the bow string by which your coasting trade would be throttled at her pleasure. The commerce of the West Indies, and of the Gulf of Mexico, might be doled out to suit her convenience. I, for one, never will calmly look upon such a state of things. Let me not be misunderstood. I love neither the Government nor the people of Spain. The Government is detestable, and the people are scarcely Worthy of a better, or they would long since have obtained it. But the Spanish Government and Spanish subjects, if not good, are not dangerous neighbors, and I prefer them infinitely to those who are.

The achievements of our Navy in the last war had vanquished the doubts and prejudices which before that time had impeded its advancement, and the statesmen of that period had wisely taken advantage of the popularity it had acquired. In 1816, the act for the "gradual increase" of the Navy was passed, by which twelve ships of not less than seventy-four guns each, and as many frigates, including those of both descriptions already authorized, were to be built in the course of eight years, by an annual appropriation, amounting to eight millions of dollars. An attempt was then made, as I have been informed, to provide, from the same appropriation, a proMr. FULLER said, that an examination of the provi- portionate number of sloops and smaller vessels, by sions of the bill would show that it involved no question which the number of large ships would be diminished. in regard to our negotiations with Spain; and that, con- But the attempt was successfully resiste 1, on the ground, sequently, the observations of the gentleman from Geor- that ships of the line and frigates required a much longer gia, (Mr. FORSYTH,) as to the present state of those ne-time in preparing timber and materials, and, especially, Rotiations, appeared to him unnecessary, and required no reply. The committee, of which that gentleman was chairman, had indeed reported at large their views; and whether they were correct or not, it was useless, in dis- ed. cassing the merits of the present bill, to determine. No attack upon Spain or her territories is contemplated, nor can any collision with her rights be apprehended by its adoption. It was, therefore, Mr. F. said, superfluous

in the faithful construction of them; while sloops could be provided on short notice, and at an expense comparatively small. This was sound reasoning, and it prevail

At that time, or within a short period preceding, we had seven sloops of war, three of which have since been lost or destroyed; and yet not a single sloop has been built for the last ten years. The Government has been obliged to incur great expense by employing larger

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