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Great Britain, for the suppression of the African slave trade, is here with transmitted to you, with the ratification on the part of the United States, under certain modifications and exceptions, annexed as conditions to the advice and consent of the Senate to its ratification. The participation of the Senate of the United States in the final conclusion of all treaties to which they are parties, is already well known to the British government; and the novelty of the principles established by the convention, as well as their importance, and the requisite assent of two-thirds of the Senators present, to the final conclusion of every part of a ratified treaty, will explain the causes of its ratification under this form. It will be seen that the great and essential principles which form the basis of the compact are admitted, to their full extent, in the ratified part of the convention. The second article, and the portion of the seventh which it is proposed to expunge, are unessential to the plan, and were not included in the project of convention transmitted to you from hence. They appear, indeed, to be, so far as concerned the United States, altogether inoperative, since they could not confer the power of capturing slave traders under the flag of a third party—a power not claimed, either by the United States, or Great Britain, unless by treaty, and the United States having no such treaty with any other power. It is presumed that the bearing of those articles was exclusively upon the flags of those other nations with which Great Britain has already treaties for the suppression of the slave trade, and that, while they give an effective power to the officers of Great Britain, they conferred none upon those of the United States. The exception of the coast of America from the seas upon which the mutual power of capturing the vessels under the flag of either party may be exercised, had reference, in the views of the Senate, doubtless, to the coast of the United States. On no part of that coast, unless within the Gulf of Mexico, is there any probability that slave-trading vessels will ever be found. The necessity for the exercise of the authority to capture is, therefore, no greater, than it would be upon the coast of Europe. In South America, the only coast to which slave-traders may be hereafter expected to resort, is that of Brazil, from which, it is to to hoped, they will shortly be expelled by the laws of the country. The limitation by which each party is left at liberty to renounce the convention, by six months’ notice to the other, may, perhaps, be useful in reconciling other nations to the adoption of its provisions. If the principles of the convention are to be permanently maintained, this limitation must undoubtedly be abandoned; and when the public mind shall have been familiarized to the practical operation of the system, it is not doubted that this reservation will, on all sides, be readily given up. in giving these explanations to the British Government, you will state that the President was fully prepared to have ratifica the convention without alteration, as it had been signed by you. He is aware that the conditional ratification leaves the British government at liberty to concur therein, or to decline the ratification altogether; but he will not disguise the wish, that, such as it is, it may receive the sanction of Great Britain, and be carried into effect. When the concurrence of both governments has been at length obtained, by exertions so long and so anxiously continued, to principles so important, and for purposes of so high and honorable a character, it wouli prove a severe disappointment to the friends of freedom and of humanity, if all prospect of efsective concert between the two nations, for the extiro of this disgrace to civilized man, should be lost y differences of sentiment, in all probability transient, upon unessential details. Should the convention, as ratified on the part of the onited States, be likewise ratified on the part of Great Britain, you will exchange the ratifications, and forth

with transmit the oritish ratified copy to this place.

On exchanging the ratifications, a certificate of that act is usually executed under the hand and seal of the persons performing it, and mutually delivered. A copy of the form of that used in exchanging the ratifications of the convention of 20th October, 1818, is here with enclosed, and it appears to be the form generally used on such occasions by the British government. You will transmit the certificate exchanged with the British ratification. To complete the documents belonging to the negotiation, a copy of the full power of the British Plenipotentiaries, and of the protocol of the third conference, are yet to be forwarded to us. By the ninth article of the convention, it is provided that copies of it, “and of the laws of both countries, actually in force, for the prohibition and suppression of the slave trade, shall be furnished to every commander of the National vessels of either party, charged with the execution of those laws.” The fulfilment of this article will require the continued and particular attention of both governments. I enclose, herewith, a printed pamphlet, containing all the laws of the United States on this subject, now in force. It is stated in your despatches to have been the intention of the British government to consolidate into one act, during the present session of Parliament, all the British laws relating to the subject, and perhaps Congress, at the next session, may deem it expedient to do the same here. At all events, you will not fail to forward to me a copy of all the laws in forca, which come within the purview of the convention, and although not expressly stipulated in that instrument, you will suggest to the British government, that copies of the Instructions relating to this object, given by each of the parties to its own naval officers, should be communicated to the other, and furnished to all the officers, on either side, entrusted with the execution of the laws made by this convention, common to both. Lists of the vessels of either party, and of their commanders, thus instructed, might also facilitate the accomplishment of the great purposes of both, and harmonize the practical operation of a system, not less important by the magnanimous end to be obtained, than by the novelty of the means adopted for its accomplishment. The conclusion of this convention has been highly satisfactory to the President, whose entire approbation of the course pursued by you in the negotiation of it, I am instructed to make known to you. He indulges the hope that it will, even as now modified, contribute largely to two objects of high importance: to the friendly relations between the two countries, and to the general interests of humanity. He sees in it, with much pleasure, that spirit of mutual accommodation, so essential to the continuance and promotion of their harmony and good understanding, and welcomes it as an earnest of the same spirit, in accomplishing the adjustment of the other interesting objects in negotiation between the two parties. 1 am, with great respect, sir, your yery humble and obedient servant, JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, Richann Rush, Envoy Ectraordinary and. Minister Plenipotentiary U. S. London.

Extract of a letter from JMr. Rush to Mr..?dams, lated London, June 28th, 1824.

“I have this day had the honor to receive your despatch, No. 79, of the 29th of May, with the Convention for the Suppression of the Slave Trade, as ratified on the part of the United States, under certain modifications and exceptions, annexed as conditions to the advice and consent of the Senate to its ratification.

“I shall proceed, immediately, to lay the Convention, as thus ratified, before this Government, and endeavor to recommend to its acceptance the modifications and

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exceptions, now a part of the instrument, by all the suggestions and arguments with which your despatch has supplied me.” Fortract of a letter from Mr. Rush to JMr. Adams, dated Lonnox, July 5, 1824,

“I have had one interview with Mr. Secretary Canning, since the 28th of last month, on the business of the Convention for the Suppression of the Slave Trade; but, as yet, am not able to communicate any of the sentiments of this Government in relation to it. You shall hear them from me at the earliest moment after I am, myself, apprised of them.”

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“I have the honor to inform you that Mr. Secretary Canning has given me to understand, in an interview which I have this day had with him, that this Government finds itself unable to accede to the Convention for the Suppression of the slave Trade, with the alterations and modifications that have been annexed to its ratification on the part of the United States. He said that none of these alterations or modifications would have formed insuperable bars to the consent of Great Britain, except that which had expunged the word America from the first article, but that this was considered insuperable.” : “The reasons which Mr. Canning assigned for this determination on the part of Great Britain, I forbear to state, as he has promised to address a communication, in writing, to me, upon the subject, where they will be seen more accurately, and at large; but to guard against any delay in my receiving that communication, I have thought it right not to lose any time in thus apprising you, for the President's information, of the result.”

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Sin I had the honor to apprize you, in my letter of the 9th inst. that Mr. Secretary Canning had informed me, in an interview that I had with him on that day, that this Government would decline acceding to the convention for the suppression of the slave trade, as ratified in May, on the part of the United States,and that he promised to address me an official note upon this subject. This note 1 received on Saturday the 28th instant, the delay having arisen from an attack offever, under which he has been laboring. A copy of it is, here with, enclosed. I lost no time, after receiving your instructions of the 29th of May, in laying the matter of them before Mr. Canning, having, on the 30th of June, written him a note to request an interview, for the purpose of executing this duty, which he granted me, at the Foreign Office, on the first of July. It was in that interview that I laid fully before him all the considerations and arguments for the adoption of the treaty, as ratified at Washington, with which your above instructions had charged me, omitting no part of them. He gave no opinion at that time, on the course which this Government would be likely to pursue, but, afterwards, on the 9th of August, informed me, as I have heretofore mentioned, that the omission of the words, “and America,” from the first article of the treaty, was considered, by Great Britain, as an insuperable objection to its acceptance on her part, and to this effect is the note which I now transmit from him. A copy of my answer to it, dated to-day, is enclosed. It may be proper for me to state, that, whilst Mr. Canning, in the interview I had with him on the ninth of August, was assigning the reasons of this Government,

have assured me, and, as they really believe, was!" o

as they will now be seen in his note, for not acceding to the treaty, took occasion to remark, that Great Britan would be willing to give to the omitted words a mean ing that would restrict their operation to the south-n portion of North America, as proximate to the Brito West Indies, excluding the range of coast which coro prehended the middle and northern states, if I though that such a plan would be acceptable to my governm I immediately and most decidedly discountenanced so. a proposition, as objectionable under every view. He replied, that, having no other object in making their mation than that of preventing the treaty, from falo. through, and not knowing himself in what light it mior be received, he had of course nothing more to say, are learning from me that it would be objectionable. I avail myself of this opportunity to forward to yoko copy of the act of the last session of Parliament for solidating the laws of this realm for the abolition of “ slave trade, as requested in your communication oft. 29th of May. I have the honor to remain, &c. se Richard RUSH The Hon. John QUINCY AnAMs, Secretary of State. |

..Mr. G. Canning to . Mr. Rush. | Foreign Office, Aug. 27, 1824

Sin: In pursuance of what I stated to you in *. late conference, I have now the honor to address Yo on the subject of the qualified ratification, on the Po of your government, of the treaty for the more effect. al suppression of the slave trade, which was condo ed and signed, in the month of March last, by you o' his Majesty's Plenipotentiaries. His Majesty's government have given the most” ious and deliberate consideration to this subject: an: the result of that consideration has been to decideo they cannot advise his Majesty to accept the Amero ratification, (notwithstanding the arguments *†, : you, in the name of your government, in favor of * acceptance.) I entreat you to believe it is not from * diminished sense of the importance of the matto which that treaty relates. - - Nor do they at all underrate the desire which, *.*

the President of the United States, to adopt the p" sions of the treaty, such as it was transmitted to A* ca. But the result is not the less inconvenient. ...

A treaty, of which the basis was laid in propo" framed by the American government, was considerhere, as so little likely to be made a subject of reno discussion in America,that not a moment was losino ing it, on the part of his Majesty; and his Majes'Jo tification was ready to be exchanged against that of to United States, when the treaty came back; , not.” had been sent to America, but with material vari” —variations not confined to those stipulations, o Po of stipulations, which had been engrafted upon the ". ginal projet, but extending to that part of the o projet itself, which had passed, unchanged, through negotiation. ****

The knowledge that the constitution of the U.S* renders all their diplomatic compacts liable to this so of revision, undoubtedly precludes the possibility o ing exception at any particular instance in who revision is exercised; but the repetition of such,” ces does not serve to reconcile to the practice the o ings of the other contracting party, whose solemn roo cation is thus rendered of no avail, and whose co sions, in negotiation, having been made (as alloo cessions must be understood to be rade) conditio are thus accepted as positive and absolute, while "... may have been the stipulated price of those conce” is withdrawn.

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18th Congress, 24 Sessiox. { In the instance before us, the question is not one merely of form. A substantial change is made in the treaty; and, as I have said, on a point originally proposed by yourself, sir, as the American plenipotentiary, and understood to be proposed by the special direction of your government. The right of visiting vessels, suspected of slave-trading, when extended alike to the West Indies, and to the roast of .1merica, implied an equality of vigilance, and did not necessarily imply the existence of ground of suspicion on either side. The removal of this right, as to the coast of America, and its continuance to the West Indies, cannot but appear to imply the existence on one side, and not on the other, of a just ground either of suspicion of misconduct, or for apprehension of an abuse of authority. To such an equality, leading to such an inference, his Majesty's government can never advise his Majesty to consent. It would have been rejected, if proposed in she course of negotiation. It can still less be admitted as new demand, after the conclusion of the treaty. With the exception of this proposed omission, there s nothing in the alterations, made by the Senate of the United states, in the treaty (better satisfied, as his Maesty's government undoubtedly would have been, it they ad not been made,) which his Majesty's goverament would not rather agree to adopt, than suffer the hopes of good, to which this arrangement had given rise, to be sisappointed. Upon this omission, they trust the Senate of the U. tates will, on another consideration of the subject, see hat it is not equitable to insist. A full power will therefore be sent to Mr. Addington, is Majesty's Charge d'Affaires at Washington, to conlude and sign, with any plenipotentiary to be appointd by the American government, a treaty, verbatim the une as the returned treaty would be, with all the altertions introduced into it by the Senate, excepting only le proposed onission of the words “and America,” in he first article; which treaty, if transmitted to England, ith the ratification of the government of the U. States, is Majesty will be ready to ratify. But I am to apprize you, sir, that his Majesty will not advised to appoint plenipotentiaries to conclude and on the like treaty here, to be, as before, ratified by his Ajesty, and to be again subjected, after ratification by * Majesty, to alterations by the Senate of the United lates. I am confident that you will see, in this distinction, thing more than a reasonable safeguard for his Majes's dignity, and a just desire to ascertain, before his ajesty again ratifies a diplomatic instrument, to what uditions that ratification is affixed. I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration, your most obedient servant, GEORGE CANNING. To Rica and Rush, Esq. &c. &c.

..Mr. Rush to Mr. G. Canning.
Los box, August 30, 1824.

stu. I had the honor to receive, on the 28th inint, your note of the 2d of this month, giving me orination that his Britannic Majesty's government we declined, for the reasons you have enumerated, ading his majesty to accept the ratification; by the Preent and senate of the United States, of the treaty for * suppression of the slave trade, lately signed on belf of the two powers, in manner and form as that ratition had been made known by me to his Majesty's ve-minent.

Having already, sir, had the honor to lay before you the reasons that operated with my government for

Documents accompanying the President's Message.

[Sen. and H. of R.

giving way to the desire and the hope that his majesty's government might have felt able to accept the treaty, with the alterations introduced by the Senate as conditions of its ratification, I have only to express my regret at the disappointment of this hope.

All power over the instrument,on my part, as the Plenipotentiary of the United States at his majesty's court, ceasing by this decision, it only remains for me to say, that I will, with promptitude, transmit to my government a copy of your note, at which source it will receive, I am sure, all the attention due to the high interests of which it treats.

I have the honor to be, with distinguished consideration, sir, your most obedient servant,

RICHARD RUSH.
The Rt. Hon. GEong E CANNING,
His . Majesty's Principal See'ry of State
for Foreign. Issairs.

JMr..?dams to JMr. Rush.
DEPARTMENT of State,
mashington, Nov. 12, 1824.
Sir: Your despatches, to Nos. 395 and 12, inclusive,

have been received. The proposal for the negotiation of a new convention, for the suppression of the slave

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trade, will receive the deliberate consideration of the President. l, with t - served, with regret, in o : Canning's letter of 27th August, to you, as having induced the British Government, to decline the ratification of that which you had signed, as modified by the advice and consent of the Senate of the United States, appear to have arison from impressions altogether erroneous. It is stated that, under the expectation that the treaty would not be made * subject of renewed discussion in the United states, it had actually i.e., ratified on the part of the British Government ot first concluded; and hence an argument. of inconventj, deduced, that a second, and qualified ratification could not be given, without imporing the dignity of the Government, by the implication that the former ratification had been an act of the sovereign, performed in vain. - - to give weight to this reasoning, it would seem an essential part of the facts, that the ratification alluded to had been transmitted to the United States; or at least that it was known to have taken place by the govern. ment of the United States, at the time when the convention came under the consideration. of the Senate...T his, however, was not the case. That it had been ratified in Great Britain, was neither known,” believed. It appears to have been an act altogether voluntary, and in no wise referring to that which wo expected o the part of the United States. The argument, . ore, rests upon facts other than those which were really aplicable to the subject. -: p ohile ...to; that the knowledge of those oo sions of our constitution, which rese.” ‘’ the Senate the right of revising all treaties with foreign o: . fore they can obtain the force of law, precludes the pos sibility of taking exception to ony particular o 111 Hich that revision is exercised, Mr. ganning urge. t o: this part of our system operate. unfavorably o time feelings of the other contracting party; whose . . ratification, he says, is thus rendered of no avail; o whose concessions in negotiation, having been made, (as all such concessions must be understood to be **) conditionally, are thus accepted *Po and . while, what may have been the stipulated price of those concessions, is with drawn: it may be replied, that, in allca

that the reasons assigned

scs of a treaty, thus ne”

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gotiated, the other contracting party, being under no obligation to ratify the compact, before it shall have been ascertained whether, and in what manner, it has been disposed of in the United States, its ratification can in no case be rendered unavailing by the proceedings of the Government of the United States upon the treaty. And that every Government contracting with the United States, and with a full knowledge that all their treaties, until sanctioned by the constitutional-majority of their Senate, are, and must be, considered as merely inchoate, and not consummated compacts, is entirely free to withhold its own ratification until it shall have knowledge of the ratification on their part. In the full powers of European gover-ments to their ministers, the sovereign usually promises to ratify that which his minister shall conclude in his name; and yet, if the minister transcends his instructions, though not known to the other party, the sovereign is not held bound to ratify his engage. ments. Of this principle Great Britain has once availed herself, in her negotiations with the United States. But the full powers of our ministers abroad are necessarily modified by the provisions of our constitution, and promise the ratification of treaties signed by them, only in the event of their receiving the constitutional sanction of our own government. If this arrangement does, in some instances, operate as a slight inconvenience to other governments, by interposing an obstacle to the facility of negotiation, it is, on the other hand, essential to guard against evils of the deepest import to our own nation, utterly incompatible with the genius of our institutions, and it is supported by considerations to which the equitable sense of other nations cannot fail to subscribe. The treaties of the United States, are, together with their Constitution, the supreme law of the land. The power of contracting them is, in the first instance, given to the President, a single individual. If negotiated abroad, it must be by a minister or ministers under his appointment; and if in Europe, with powers largely discretionary—the distances seldom permitting opportunities to the minister of consulting his Government for instructions, during the progress of the negotiation. Were there no other check or control over this power, and were there an obligation, even of delicacy, requiring the unqualified sanction of every treaty so negotiated, the result would be an authority possessed by every minister of the United States, entrusted with a full power for negotiating a treaty, to change the laws of this Union, upon objects of the first magnitude to the interests of the nation. In their negotiations with each other, the European nations are generally so near, and the communications between them are so easy and regular, that a negotiator can seldom have a justifiable occasion to agree to any important stipulation, without having an opportunity of asking and receiving the instructions of his govern. ment; a practice always and peculiarly resorted to by British plenipotentiaries. With an intervening ocean, this is seldom possible, and it is, therefore, just and proper, that the right of judgment upon all the stipulations agreed to by a minister, should be reserved, in the most unqualified manner, to both governments, parties to the treaty ; and that every compact, so negotiated, should be understood to be signed by the minister remote from his own country, only sub spe rati; not conclusive upon his nation, until its government shall have passed sentence of approbation upon it. These general observations are submitted, in order that you may make such use of them as you shall deem expedient to satisfy the British Government that, in this established principle of our constitution, there is nothing to which any foreign government can justly take exception; and that it only reserves to our government'a power of supervision, necessary for our own safety, which the European governments effectively reserve to

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themselves, and none more cautiously than Great B: tain. I am, with great respect, sir, your very humble an obedient servant, JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, R. Rush, Esq. Envoy, &c. London.

JMr. Addington to JMr. Adams. Washington, 6th Nov. 1824.

SIR: You have already been apprised of the circum stance of his Majesty, my sovereign, having declined if fixing his ratification to the convention conclude: i. London on the 13th of March last, between the Britis and American Plenipotentiaries, for the more effocus suppression of the slave trade, amended and qualified: that instrument had been by the Senate of the Unio States In lieu of that convention, however, His Majesty pro poses to the American government to substitute aw ther, verbatim the same as the amended instrument, or point alone excepted; that exception is, the erasure the word “America,” in the first article, a word war stood in the original projet of the article, as proposedo the President to the British Government, but which to United States thought fit, after the mutual acquiescen: of both parties in it, to expunge. In announcing to you the fact of my having been so nished with full powers to conclude and sign with to American Government a new treaty, such as I ho above described, it will be unnecessary for me to to at length into the motives which have actuated His jesty in coming to this decision, as you have alread to inade acquainted with those motives thro’ the medi of an official letter, addressed,on the 27th August last His Majesty’s Secretary of State, to the American B voy in London, in which all the grounds of that deter nation are fully expounded. A few observations, on my part, however, in brief: sion to one or two points connected with this subj may here be not misplaced. In the acquiescence of His Majesty in all the allo tions, with one only exception, o. by the Senal in a treaty originally projected by this government. the spontaneous recommendation of the House presentatives, the President will, I doubt not, see : clearest manifestation of the earnest desire of Ilio Jesty’s Government to carry into effect the import" and salutary object for which the treaty was desig" however they may have deemed the original foo". which that treaty was presented for the ratificatio this government, the best calculated to attain " object To the amendment which would exempt the * of America from that vigilance which is to be emplo on those of the British West Indies, thereby destro that equality which is the prevailing principle of the P. visions of the treaty, and which cannot be withdraw.” one one side, or on the other, consistently with the " tual respect and confidence which subsist between two contracting parties, His Majesty has found hio unable to accede; and i doubt not, that, upon a far.” unbiassed reconsideration of that point, the Ame" government will see and acknowledge the Just” His Majesty's views, and will not hesitate to prove." acknowledgment, by consenting to re-admit the exp" ed word “America,” into the treaty. it will not fail, sir, to occur to you, that the cond" required of Great Britain, prior to the signature.” treaty by the American Plenipotentiary, namely, the nunciation as piracy, by the British Parliament, of t slave trade, when exercised by British subjects, ho ready been fulfilled. mi on the justice of accepting the value already paid | a stipulated act, and withholding the perform”

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8th Congress, 21 Sessiox.

Matact, I leave it with confidence to your own sense fhonorand equity to determine. The sanction of this government of the original proisions of the treaty in full, was the equivalent to be reeived by his Majesty, for his performance of the condion required of him, namely, his sanction of an Act of arliament, declaring the slave trade piracy. Those rovisions have been, in part rejected, in part modified, ! this government ; and yet His Majsty is still willing ibide by his original agreement, provided this Gotriment will recede from one, alone, of the various mendments made by them in the treaty. I might here cite as a proof, if proof were necessary, of le unhinited confidence which his majesty reposed in he good faith of the government of this republic, and is sincerity in wishing to execute the treaty signed by it or Plenipotentiary in London—a treaty, I repeat, pro !cted in conformity with the express recomamendation the House of Representatives—that His Majesty affixl, without delay, his own ratification to the treaty, in le oil security of that instrument being equally invest! with that of this government. No shadow of a sus irion ever entered, ever could enter, His Majesty's in!, that that ratification could be withheld, in whole in part. Under all the circumstances of the case, sir, I cannot "feel an entire conviction, that the se se of justice, to the right feelings which animate the American Gotrement, will lead then to accede, without hesitation, the proposition now submitted to them on the part of is M.jesty, and that the President will find no difficul'insanctioning the conclusion of a treaty, the provions of which must eventually result in such incalculae benefits to a most oppressed and afflicted portion of le human race. With this conviction, I need not assure you, sir, of my *ness to wait upon you at any time which you may ink fit to appoint, in order to give effect to he instrucMs which I have received from His Majesty's Secretaof State, by affixing my signature to the convention, newly modelled. I beg, sir, that you will receive the assurances of my stinguished consideration. H. U. ADDINGTON.

Secretary of State to . Mr. Addington. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, 4th December, 1824.

Sin: Your note of the 6th ult. has been submitted the consideration of the President of the United ates. While regretting that it has not been found informable to the views of His Britannic Majesty's Go ornment, to concur in the ratification of the convenmfor the suppression of the slave trade, as recomended by the advice and consent of the Senate of the mited States, he has thought it most advisable, with refence to the success of the object common to both overnments, and in which both take the warmestintero, to refer the whole subject to the deliberate adviseent of Congress. In postponing, therefore, a definitive *wer to the proposal set forth in your note, I have only renew the assurance of the unabated earnestness to which the government of the United States looks the accomplishment of the common purpose; the "re extinction of that odious traffic, and to the concert effective measures to that end between the United ates and Great Britain.

! pray you, sir, to accept the assurance of my distin*hed consideration. r JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.

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DOCUMENTS Fito M the WAR DEPARTMENT.

Secretary of War to the President of the U. States.

DEPARTMENT of WAa, December 3d 1824.

SIn : In compliance with your directions, I here with transmit reports from the various branches of the Military Establishment, lettered from A to K, which contain a full statement of the administration of that portion of the public service which is confided to the Department of War. The reports afford satisfactory evidence, that a high degree of excellence has been attained in the administration of the different branches of the Department. Not an instance of defalcation, or loss, has thus far occurred, and there is every reason to believe that the disbursements of the year will be made without the loss of a cent to the Government. The accounts have already been rendered for nearly all the money which has been drawn from the Treasury in the three first quarters of the year, on account of the army, fortifications, ordnance, and Indian affairs, and it is anticipated, with confidence, that the accounts of the whole of the disbursements, these quarters, will be rendered before the termination of the year. The old unsettled accounts of the Department which, at the commencement of the present administration amounted to $45,111,123, have been reduced to $3,136,991 ; and further accumulation is effectually prevented in the Department by strict fidelity and punctuality in expenditure and settlement of accutints. In order to improve the discipline of the artillery, eleven companies have been collected at Fortress Monroe, at Old Point Comfort, which have been formed into a corps, as a school of practice for the artillery. The dispersed condition of the artillery rendered the measure necessary for the improvement of its discipline. By passing the whole corps, in succession, through the school, a degree of perfection will be given to the discipline of the artillery, nearly, if not quite, equal to that which could be attained, were it practicable to collect it into one body, instead of being dispersed, as it is, in garrisons in the different fortresses along the whole line of the coast. To carry the arrangement into full effect, will require the aid of Congress. An appropriation, in particular, will be necessary, to furnish horses for instruction in the light artillery exercise, which may be also used in instructing the cavalry drill; a branch of service in which the army is now without skill or instruction. A board of officers has been constituted to revise the book of field exercise and manoeuvres of infantry, which was adopted at the close of the late war, in order to a new and more correct edition; and to adapt it, as far as practicable, to the service of militia. It is proposed, also, to add to it, a system of light infantry and cavalry drill, and to correct and enlarge the military rules and regulations, so as to render them as perfect as is practi. cable with our present experience. The organization of the Indian Department has been much improved in the course of the year; the beneficial effects of which is already apparent in its improved administration. The hostilities of the remote tribes on the Missouri still continue, and has extended in some degree to those on the upper Missouri and the upper lakes. The continued hostility among the various tribes themselves in that quarter, it is believed, his contributed, in no small degree, to the murder of our citizens and depredations on their property, which have occurred ; and measures have been taken to effect, if possible, a general pacification among them. The season was too far advanced when the act assed, to carry into effect the intention of Congress in author

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