read the divine service appointed, where all the people assembled may hear and be edified.

III. That in ministering the sacrament of baptism, the ceremony of making the cross in the child's forehead may be omitted, as tending to superstition.

IV. That, forasmuch as divers communicants are not able to kneel during the time of the communion for age, sickness, and sundry other infirmities; and some also superstitiously both kneel and knock; that order of kneeling to be left to the discretion of the ordinary within his jurisdiction.

V. That it be sufficient for the minister, in time of saying divine service, and ministering the sacraments, to use a surplice; and that no minister say service or minister the sacraments, but in a comely garment or habit. VI. That the use of organs be removed.

(Annals, Strype, Oxford, 1824, I, p. 502.)

138. Privileges of Parliament
(1562)

D'Ewes' Journals

The privileges of the modern Parliament may be classed under seven heads: (1) Freedom of members from arrest and molestation; (2) freedom of speech and debate; (3) secrecy of debate; (4) privilege of access to the sovereign; (5) favourable construction by the sovereign of all actions of Parliament; (6) right of deciding contested elections; (7) right of each House to settle the order of its business. Various parliamentary rights belong to each House. It is the custom for the Speaker of the House of Commons to make the demand for the recognition of privilege at the meeting of each Parliament. The present privileges are the result of continued effort against the royal assumptions. The original privileges were far less extensive, including only the four privileges first enumerated in the following extract from the speech of Speaker Williams at the opening of Parliament of 1562.

... Further, I am to be a suitor to your Majesty, that when matters of importance shall arise whereupon it shall be necessary to have your Highness' opinion, that then I may have free access unto you for the same; and the like to the Lords of the Upper House.

Secondly, that in repairing from the Nether House to your Majesty or the Lords of the Upper House, to declare their meanings, and I mistaking or uttering the same contrary to their meaning, that then my fault or imbecility in declaring thereof be not prejudicial to the House, but that I may again repair to them, the better to understand their meanings, and so they to reform the same.

Thirdly, that the assembly of the Lower House may have frank and free liberties to speak their minds without any controlment, blame, grudge, menaces or displeasure, according to the old ancient order.

Finally, that the old privilege of the House be observed, which is that they and theirs might be at liberty, frank and free, without arrest, molestation, trouble or other damage to their bodies, lands, goods or servants, with all other their liberties, during the time of the said parliament; whereby they may the better attend and do their duty; all which privileges I desire may be enrolled, as at other times it hath been accustomed... (D'Ewes' Journals, Lond. 1682, p. 65.)

139. Elizabeth and Mary Stuart

D'Ewes' Journals

No student of history can pass lightly over the pages which deal with Mary, Queen of Scots. This romantic figure in an age of romance is a character enigma not yet solved. The attitude of Elizabeth and Parliament toward Mary, when a prisoner in their hands, is well shown by the accompanying extract.

May it please your most excellent Majesty, We, your humble, loving and faithful subjects, the Lords and Commons in this present parliament assembled, having of long time, to our intolerable grief, seen by how manifold, most dangerous and execrable practices, Mary... commonly called the Queen of Scots, hath compassed the destruction of your Majesty's sacred and most royal person, in whose safety (next under. God) our chief and only felicity doth lie, and thereby not only to bereave us of the sincere and true religion of Almighty God, bringing us and this noble crown back again into the thraldom of the Romish tyranny, but also utterly to ruinate and overthrow the happy state and commonweal of this most noble realm: ... and seeing also what insolent boldness is grown in the heart of the same Queen, through your Majesty's former exceeding favours and clemencies towards her; and thereupon weighing, with heavy and sorrowful hearts, in what continual peril of suchlike desperate conspiracies and practices your Majesty's most royal and sacred person and life (more dear unto us than our own) is and shall be still, without any possible means to prevent it, so long as the said Scottish Queen shall be suffered to continue, and shall not receive that due punishment which, by justice and the laws of this your realm, she hath so often and so many ways, for her most

wicked and detestable offences, deserved: therefore... We do most humbly beseech your most excellent Majesty that, as well in respect of the continuance of the true religion now professed amongst us and of the safety of your most royal person and estate, as in regard of the preservation and defence of us your most loving, dutiful and faithful subjects and the whole commonweal of this realm, it may please your Highness to take speedy order, that declaration of the same sentence and judgment be made and published by proclamation, and that thereupon direction be given for further proceedings against the said Scottish Queen, according to the effect and true meaning of the said statute [Stat. 27 Eliz. 1. § 1]: because, upon advised and great consultation, we cannot find that there is any possible means to provide for your Majesty's safety, but by the just and speedy execution of the said Queen:... and if the same be not put in present execution, we your most loving and dutiful subjects, shall thereby (so far as man's reason can reach) be brought into utter despair of the continuance amongst us of the true religion of Almighty God, and of your Majesty's life, and the safety of all your faithful subjects, and the good estate of this most flourishing commonweal.

The Queen answered, 24 November, 1586:

That her Highness, moved with some commiseration for the Scottish Queen, in respect of her former dignity and great fortunes in her younger years, her nearness of kindred to her Majesty and also of her sex, could be well pleased to forbear the taking of her blood, if, by any other means to be devised by her Highness' Great Council of this realm, the safety of her Majesty's person and government might be preserved, without danger of ruin and destruction, and else not; therein leaving them all nevertheless to their own free liberty and dispositions of proceeding otherwise at their choice.

To which the Houses made reply:

That having often conferred and debated on that question, according to her Highness' commandment, they could find no other way than was set down in their petition.

The Queen's second answer.

If I should say unto you that mean not to grant your petition, by my faith I should say unto you more than per

haps I mean. And if I should say unto you I mean to grant your petition, I should then tell you more than is fit for you to know. And thus I must deliver you an answer answerless. (D'Ewes' Journals, Rev. Ed. Lond., 1628 pp. 380-402.)

140. Defeat of the Spanish Armada

Somers' Tracts

The Great Armada has given a theme to innumerable writers. Of these Sir Robert Carey, Earl of Monmouth, best among contemporaries, condenses in a succinct yet vivid form the story of the futile attempt to conquer England.

CAREY'S ACCOUNT OF THE ARMADA

The next year (1588) the King of Spain's great Armado came upon our coast, thinking to devour us all. Upon the news sent to court from Plymouth of their certain arrival, my Lord Cumberland and myself took post horse, and rode straight to Portsmouth, where we found a frigate that carried us to sea; and having sought for the fleets a whole day, the night after we fell amongst them; where it was our fortune to light first on the Spanish fleet; and finding ourselves in the wrong, we tacked about, and in some short time got to our own fleet, which was not far from the other. At our coming aboard our admiral, we stayed there awhile; but finding the ship much pestered, and scant of cabins, we left the admiral, and went aboard Captain Reyman, where we stayed, and were very welcome, and much made of. It was on Thursday that we came to the fleet. All that day we followed close the Spanish Armado, and nothing was attempted on either side; the same course we held all Friday and Saturday, by which time the Spanish fleet cast anchor just before Calais. We likewise did the same, a very small distance behind them, and so continued till Monday morning about two of the clock; in which time our council of war had provided six old hulks, and stuffed them full of all combustible matter fit for burning, and on Monday, at two in the morning, they were let loose, with each of them a man in her to direct them. The tide serving, they brought them very near the Spanish fleet, so that they could not miss to come amongst the midst of them: then they set fire to them, and came off themselves, having each of them a little boat to bring him off. The ships set on fire came so directly to the Spanish fleet, as they had no way to avoid them, but to cut all their halsers, and so escape; and their haste was such,

that they left one of their four great galeasses on ground before Calais, which our men took, and had the spoil of, where many of the Spaniards were slain with the governor thereof, but most of them were saved with wading ashore to Calais. They being in this disorder, we made ready to follow them, where began a cruel fight, and we had such advantage both of wind and tide, as we had a glorious day of them; continuing fight from four o'clock in the morning till almost five or six at night, where they lost a dozen or fourteen of their best ships, some sunk, and the rest run ashore in divers parts to keep themselves from sinking. After God had given us this great victory, they made all the haste they could away, and we followed them Tuesday and Wednesday, by which time they were gotten as far as Flamboroughhead. It was resolved on Wednesday at night, that, by four o'clock on Thursday, we should have a new fight with them for a farewell; but by two in the morning, there was a flag of council hung out in our vice-admiral, when it was found that in the whole fleet there was not municion sufficient to make half a fight; and therefore, it was there concluded, that we should let them pass, and our fleet to return to the downs. That night we departed with them, we had a mighty storm. Our fleet was cast anchor, and endured it; but the Spanish fleet, wanting their anchors, were many of them cast ashore on the west of Ireland, where they had all their throats cut by the kernes; and some of them on Scotland, where they were no better used; and the rest, with much ado, got into Spain again. Thus did God bless us, and gave victory over this invincible navy; the sea calmed, and all our ships came to the Downs on Friday in safety.

(Somers' Collection of Tracts, ed. cit., I, 445.)

141. The Armada Speech of Elizabeth

Somers' Tracts

The following speech of Elizabeth to Parliament is full of interest, not only for its subject matter, but also for the clear light which it throws upon the character of the queen. Her firmness, her finesse, her duplicity, and above all, her ability to manage men, can be read by the student of history in the public utterances of the great queen.

A SPEECH MADE BY QUEEN ELIZABETH (OF FAMOUS MEMORY) IN PARLIAMENT, ANNO 1593: AND IN THE THIRTY-FIFTH YEAR OF HER REIGN, CONCERNING THE SPANISH INVASION. My Lords and Gentlemen,

This kingdom hath had many wise, noble, and victorious