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used by you, not as a consequence of the increase of our home growth, but as a proof of the difficulty of importation. A fact of this nature cannot tell both ways, it seems to me.

Speaking from recollection only, I should not say that it is a result to be gathered from the evidence before Parliament, that "a continuation of low prices would, in spite of a diminution of rents, destroy farming capital, and diminish produce." (p. 5.) The witnesses, who make this prediction, generally at least, if not uniformly, speak upon the supposition of the present rents being still to be paid. I may observe, too, that they generally take for granted, which is more fallacious, that with low prices, and continued low prices, all the expences and outgoings of a farm are still to keep at their present rate;

they prove, demonstrably to their own conviction, that a farmer will never be remunerated if he gets but 8s. a bushel for his wheat at market, while he is feeding all his ploughmen, and buying his seeds, and paying all the auxiliary labour of the farm, with wheat at 12s. a bushel.

You have made a fair allowance for the partiality and interest of those who were called upon to give evidence. You thought it would be indecent to give the same indulgence, or rather you could make no allowance for the bias of those who were appointed to take the evidence. There are some very gross instances of this: see, in our Commons' Committee, how they dispatch Charles Mant, when he hints that the rate of the protecting price should be estimated, not according to the present expences, but according to that very fall of grain and labour, which are anticipated; they huddle up that subject, and pass on in a hurry to other matters.

I think some portion of the same fallacy, which I last

mentioned, has slid into that part of your argument, p. 24., where you point out the advantages the labourer may derive from a high money price of corn, and consequently high wages to himself. Do not you assume that, though corn should fall and bring down wages, yet there will be no fall in the prices of any other articles of his consumption?

In considering the influence of a low price of corn upon the condition and comforts of the labourer, you have wholly omitted this consideration, that such a fall will release thousands and tens of thousands from the parochial pauper list, and restore them to the pride of earning their bread by free labour. I could not read without indignation, in the evidence of Mr. Benett, of Pyt House, who seems the very model of a witness for Corn Committees, his cool statement of the rule he makes, and unmakes, for the distribution of rations of provender and fodder among the prædial slaves of a whole district of Wiltshire. It is this audacious and presumptuous spirit of regulating, by the wisdom of country squires, the whole economy and partition of national industry and wealth, that makes me more keenly averse to this Corn Bill of theirs than I should have been in earlier days of our time, when the principles of rational government were more widely understood, and were maintained by stronger hands at the head of affairs. The narrow conceit of managing the happiness of the labouring population, and of directing the application of industry, as well as the competition of the market, works in the present day upon a much larger scale than when it busied itself with the pedlar items of the foreign trade.

You have stated, p. 27., rather like a skilful advocate than quite fully, the experience of the last hundred

years respecting the fluctuations of the price of corn. You have shown but one side of that experience, which has two sides, very much alike. You take one period of fourteen years, and show a considerable fluctuation, by including remarkable years of dearth. This is during the time of imports being in excess. But take another period of fourteen years, while the excess was on the side of exports; for instance, the period from 1706 to 1720; the price of wheat in 1706 was 268.; in 1709 and 1710 was 788.; in 1719 was 35s. Take the first seven years of the last century, the average price was 30s.; in the seven subsequent years the average price was as high as 57s. In 1740, the price I find was 50s.; in 1743 only 24s.; in 1757 again 60s. After this, it must be admitted that the argument concerning fluctuations rests still in theory; and then my theory would be, that, upon the whole, nothing will contribute so much to make prices steady as by our leaving our own corn factors unfettered by restrictions and regulations of our own making; and, without embarrassment from that source, to make their own arrangements for bringing corn, when it is wanted, from the various large and independent markets, of which, in the present circumstances of the world, they have their choice. And though one may argue from experience, it can never be a sound inference from the state of prices, under the imports of the last seven or eight years, to conclude that there will be the same uncertainty in the new position of political circumstances.

Though I have something more to object, I must release you for the present. Excuse the perfect freedom with which I have very hurriedly written these animadversions; and treat me still as one of whose conversion from heresy some hopes may be entertained. I should

be sorry you should set me down for obstinate, and beyond repentance; do not consign me to silence; I do not mind being consigned to the flames by Squire Western and the rabble of Irish economists.

Ever very truly yours,

FRA. HORNER.

P.S. By the way, I cannot part without saying how I grudge my adversaries on the bullion question the lift you have given them. Surely your corn zeal has lessened too much in your eyes, for the moment, the magnitude of that evil.

The House of Commons met, pursuant to adjournment, on the 9th of February; and on the 21st Mr. Lambton moved for a variety of papers relative to the transfer of Genoa to the King of Sardinia; which he characterised as an act by which His Majesty's Ministers had degraded England in the eyes of the world; for they had abandoned a pledge, given to a nation invited by them to independence. He stated that, in April, 1814, Lord William Bentinck, in a proclamation, had told the people of Genoa, that their ancient government was restored. That, in the name of the British government, he appealed to their national feeling, - recalled to them the days of their ancient prosperity, and pledged his country to reinstate them in their former privileges. That, notwithstanding all this, in eight months afterwards, a mandate arrived from the Congress of Vienna, annulling all that had been done in favour of Genoese

*Afterwards Earl of Durham.

freedom, and delivering up the country to the King of Sardinia. That the transfer was made by a British proclamation, signed by a British officer;- that in this proclamation, General Dalrymple informed the people of Genoa, that the government appointed by Lord William Bentinck had been delivered up into his hands; and that he surrendered it, by command of the Prince Regent of England, to the King of Sardinia.*

Mr. Horner is said to have made on this occasion "an animated speech," in which he took a view of the conduct of the British government towards Genoa. The report of what he said, as contained in Hansard's Debates, is given in the Appendix; but it is so brief, that it can be little more than an outline of a speech, which could call forth the high encomiums that several eminent persons, who heard it delivered, afterwards bestowed upon it.

CORN-LAWS.

During the month of February, the subject of these laws was several times under the consideration of the House, and Mr. Horner appears to have taken an active part in most of the discussions.

The Right Honourable Frederick Robinson† moved, on the 14th, that, on the 17th, the House should resolve itself into a Committee, to consider the state of the CornLaws; and he announced his intention of then submitting a series of resolutions, preparatory to the introduction of a Bill; and on the motion of Mr. Horner, some returns were ordered, to render more complete the infor

* Hansard's Debates, vol. xxix. p. 928.

The present Earl of Ripon, who was at that time Vice-President of the Board of Trade. — ED.

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