the nature and importance of it. Besides this, there were names and possible cases held out in terrorem, which may stop in the mean while some abuses of this fund that were perhaps meditated. I was told by some of the members who sat near Lord Yarmouth, that the words mistress and minion were rung, till he looked black upon them. Since I came into parliament, I have heard the Droits of Admiralty spoken of as the private patrimony of the king, not to be controlled, nor even inquired into; but by successive questions and discussions, this doctrine has been utterly exploded, and the right of the House of Commons to order accounts of the distribution of it, established in full exercise: such is the practical utility of opposition.

Yours affectionately,

FRA. HORNER.

LETTER CLXXX. TO THE REV. T. R. MALTHUS.

My dear Malthus,

London, 8th February, 1812.

I am very glad it occurred to you, to offer Lancaster's committee the sanction of your name as a steward at our meeting; and I have written to Joseph Fox, telling him, that I have reason to believe you would not refuse to serve in that capacity, if it were proposed to you.

I entirely concur in your sentiments upon the subject, that both societies ought to be encouraged; nay I go a little farther, for if I could be convinced that the church would sincerely and zealously set themselves to accomplish the work of national education, the church should have the best of my wishes by preference; inasmuch as I regard the establishment as our best preservative against fanaticism, though I am persuaded it

can only operate effectually to that end, or indeed subsist long as an establishment, by acting upon the true principles of the Reformation, of which educating the common people is the most important. It is impossible not to feel strong suspicions against the sincerity of all recent converts, especially from a prejudice which seemed but very lately so inveterate, as that of churchmen against the education of the lower classes. And even allowing them to be for the present sincere, it is hard to expect real and continued activity from that description of persons who have undertaken this charge. It is right, however, they should have a fair trial; the result will speedily appear, for we can only know them by their fruits: and the public will be ready to hold them to a strict account, if they cannot, a year or two hence, give a satisfactory account of the efficient employment of the large funds which have been put at their disposal. In the mean time, they cannot crush the system of Lancaster, whose zeal is as unconquerable as that of John Knox; the only thing to be regretted is, that that zeal should have so large an admixture of polemic irritability, which begins, I fear, to disgust some of those persons whose taste is fastidious, and who cannot, for the sake even of the good that is effected, overlook the rudeness of the means by which such good has, almost in every instance of the sort, been accomplished. Most truly yours,

FRA. HORNER.

LETTER CLXXXI. TO J. A. MURRAY, ESQ.

My dear Murray,

Lincoln's Inn, 18th June, 1812.

I would have written to you more frequently, during the late remarkable transactions in politics, if the

nature of what passed, or the way in which I obtained from time to time some knowledge of it, had admitted of any intelligible communications in an abridged shape. The apparent changes of conduct succeeded each other so rapidly, that the story of one day looked like nothing but a contradiction of that before it, though all have in the end proved to be true. Nor was it possible, while the thing was going on, to adopt with confidence any conjecture that seemed to solve such contrarieties; until the most recent disclosures explained them, by proving a depth of intrigue, which, upon mere guess, was hard to be believed. The result has, probably, been an unfortunate one for the country, because an administration with Grenville, Grey, and some others included in it, might perhaps have brought about successfully some of those changes in our policy, both foreign and internal, which they think so desirable: at the same time, the public voice would second them so reluctantly in those measures, and would be so much upon the catch to disappoint them, if there was any difficulty to be overcome, that I trembled for my friends and for their cause, when I thought them upon the brink of an administration, in which they were preparing to undertake the government under such difficulties as the present, without either court favour or a popular cry. From all this they are saved; not by any want of courage on their side, but by the triumph of inveterate duplicity, and the low arts of a palace, over an inflexible and proud integrity. I believe the general opinion to be at present against the Whigs; and, with the usual sagacity of the public, they see nothing but a struggle for a few places, in the determination not to accept office without power: at the same time, it is likely enough, that a very sincere disappointment is at the bottom of this rage; and the

can only operate effectually to that end, or indeed subsist long as an establishment, by acting upon the true principles of the Reformation, of which educating the common people is the most important. It is impossible not to feel strong suspicions against the sincerity of all recent converts, especially from a prejudice which seemed but very lately so inveterate, as that of churchmen against the education of the lower classes. And even allowing them to be for the present sincere, it is hard to expect real and continued activity from that description of persons who have undertaken this charge. It is right, however, they should have a fair trial; the result will speedily appear, for we can only know them by their fruits: and the public will be ready to hold them to a strict account, if they cannot, a year or two hence, give a satisfactory account of the efficient employment of the large funds which have been put at their disposal. In the mean time, they cannot crush the system of Lancaster, whose zeal is as unconquerable as that of John Knox; the only thing to be regretted is, that that zeal should have so large an admixture of polemic irritability, which begins, I fear, to disgust some of those persons whose taste is fastidious, and who cannot, for the sake even of the good that is effected, overlook the rudeness of the means by which such good has, almost in every instance of the sort, been accomplished. Most truly yours,

FRA. HORNER.

LETTER CLXXXI. TO J. A. MURRAY, ESQ.

My dear Murray,

Lincoln's Inn, 18th June, 1812.

I would have written to you more frequently, during the late remarkable transactions in politics, if the

nature of what passed, or the way in which I obtained from time to time some knowledge of it, had admitted of any intelligible communications in an abridged shape. The apparent changes of conduct succeeded each other so rapidly, that the story of one day looked like nothing but a contradiction of that before it, though all have in the end proved to be true. Nor was it possible, while the thing was going on, to adopt with confidence any conjecture that seemed to solve such contrarieties; until the most recent disclosures explained them, by proving a depth of intrigue, which, upon mere guess, was hard to be believed. The result has, probably, been an unfortunate one for the country, because an administration with Grenville, Grey, and some others included in it, might perhaps have brought about successfully some of those changes in our policy, both foreign and internal, which they think so desirable: at the same time, the public voice would second them so reluctantly in those measures, and would be so much upon the catch to disappoint them, if there was any difficulty to be overcome, that I trembled for my friends and for their cause, when I thought them upon the brink of an administration, in which they were preparing to undertake the government under such difficulties as the present, without either court favour or a popular cry. From all this they are saved; not by any want of courage on their side, but by the triumph of inveterate duplicity, and the low arts of a palace, over an inflexible and proud integrity. I believe the general opinion to be at present against the Whigs; and, with the usual sagacity of the public, they see nothing but a struggle for a few places, in the determination not to accept office without power: at the same time, it is likely enough, that a very sincere disappointment is at the bottom of this rage; and the