In the first vol. of the Philosophy of the Mind:1. The chapter on Memory.

2. That on Imagination.

3. Part Second of the chapter on Associations, where he treats of its influence on the intellectual and active powers.

In the volume of Philosophical Essays:

4. The two Essays on Taste, and the culture of habits connected with it.

5. Essay on the Beautiful.

In the second vol. of the Philosophy6. The last hundred pages.

You will not find any of this, at least very little of it, "above your comprehension;" in all that he writes about the improvement and cultivation of taste, you will find perpetual opportunities to apply his remarks to a variety of subjects and pursuits, which have more or less occupied you for some years past. You must know I told Mrs. Stewart you had ventured into the Dissertation, and I mentioned to her the particular delight you found in the moral impressions you received from it. She told me, Mr. Stewart was flattered by your remark; he said, that these are the invaluable praises, from a simple heart and unspoiled taste; and that an author is sure he is right, when such readers are satisfied. Good night, my dear Nancy; as it is not likely I shall have any thing to add on Monday, I will at once finish my epistle.

Affectionately yours,

FRA. HORNER.

LETTER CCLVII. TO THE DUCHESS OF SOMERSET.

Dear Duchess of Somerset,

London, 29th Jan. 1816.

From all I can hear, there is no chance of a division in the House of Lords the first day. The first important debate there will probably be upon the Treaties, after they have been laid by the Crown before Parliament; and it can hardly take much less than a fortnight to read and consider them. Lord Grenville will bring forward, I expect, a specific question upon the violation of the constitution, of which he thinks the Ministers have been guilty, in not asking the sanction of Parliament to their treaty of peace, before they proceeded in execution of it, particularly with so new a stipulation contained in it, as the maintenance of an English army in France during peace. But he will of course give ample notice of this motion, which is, no doubt, one of high importance.

I fear we are not likely to go on long very harmoniously in opposition; there are such wide and irreconcileable differences of opinion, between those who, on the one hand, will hear of nothing but a return to all that was undone by the French revolution, and who, in the present moment of success, declare views of that sort which they never avowed to the same extent before, and those who, on the other hand, think that the French people have some right to make and mend their government for themselves, and who are not prepared to adopt, under a new and not a much better name, the old exploded doctrines of divine right, kingcraft, and passive obedience. If this was only a speculative interest felt by us in the affairs of France as spectators, we might differ in sentiment, and go on together with respect to

the concerns of our own country, with which those of France ought not to be so much mixed; but this treaty for putting down by force of arms whatever the kings combined may think, or choose to call, revolutionary movements, is such a conspiracy against the rights and liberties of mankind, as it is impossible to refrain from condemning and resisting. You may expect very soon to see a breach in the opposition; I think it cannot be averted much longer. It is this circumstance which makes Lord Grey's absence at this moment so peculiarly unfortunate for those who, as I do, agree with him in the way of seeing all these things, and look up to him as their head. I am particularly obliged to your Grace for allowing me to read the inclosed letter, which I return with my best thanks. Believe me ever your obliged and sincere

FRA. HORNER.

P. S.-I am very sorry to add, that, since the date of Lady Grey's letter, he has had another very severe attack.

Parliament met on the 1st of February, and an amendment to the address to the Prince Regent, on the first day of the session, was moved by Mr. Brand, and seconded by Lord John Russell,—that it was the duty of Ministers to have convened Parliament with the least possible delay, for the purpose of communicating those important treaties with the allies, and with France, which, after having been acted upon for several months, were then about to be laid before the House; and pledging the House to a speedy revisal of the civil and

the concerns of our own country, with which those of France ought not to be so much mixed; but this treaty for putting down by force of arms whatever the kings combined may think, or choose to call, revolutionary movements, is such a conspiracy against the rights and liberties of mankind, as it is impossible to refrain from condemning and resisting. You may expect very soon to see a breach in the opposition; I think it cannot be averted much longer. It is this circumstance which makes Lord Grey's absence at this moment so peculiarly unfortunate for those who, as I do, agree with him in the way of seeing all these things, and look up to him as their head. I am particularly obliged to your Grace for allowing me to read the inclosed letter, which I return with my best thanks. Believe me ever your obliged and sincere

FRA. HORNER.

P. S.-I am very sorry to add, that, since the date of Lady Grey's letter, he has had another very severe attack.

Parliament met on the 1st of February, and an amendment to the address to the Prince Regent, on the first day of the session, was moved by Mr. Brand, and seconded by Lord John Russell,- that it was the duty of Ministers to have convened Parliament with the least possible delay, for the purpose of communicating those important treaties with the allies, and with France, which, after having been acted upon for several months, were then about to be laid before the House; and pledging the House to a speedy revisal of the civil and