that quality, to confer, treat, agree, and conclude with the person or persons vested with equal powers by his Most Christian Majesty and their High Mightinesses the States-General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, of and concerning a treaty of alliance between his Most Christian Majesty, the United Provinces of the Netherlands and the United States of America, and whatever shall be so agreed and concluded for us, and in our name to sign, and thereupon to make such treaty, convention, and agreements as he shall judge conformable to the ends we have in view; hereby promising, in good faith, that we will accept, ratify, and execute whatever shall be agreed, concluded, and signed by him, our said Minister.

In witness whereof, we have caused these presents to be signed by our President, and sealed with his seal.

Done at Philadelphia, this sixteenth day of August, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-one, and in the sixth year of our independence, by the United States in Congress assembled. THOMAS MCKEAN,

President.

J. Adams to the President of Congress."

AMSTERDAM, August 16, 1781.

SIR: Mr. Temple has held offices of such importance, and a rank so considerable in America before the Revolution, that his return to his native country at this time can not fail to cause much speculation, and it is to be feared some diversity of sentiments concerning him. As he came from London to Amsterdam and did me the honor of a visit, in which he opened to me his design of returning and his sentiments upon many public affairs, it will be expected in America by many, although it has not been requested by Mr. Temple, that I should say something concerning him.

I was never before personally acquainted with this gentleman, but I have long known his public character and private reputation. He was ever reputed a man of very delicate sentiments of honor, of integrity, and of attachment to his native country, although his education, his long residences in England, his numerous connexions there, and the high offices he held under the British Government, did not even admit of a general opinion that his sentiments were in all respects perfectly conformable to those of the most popular party in the Colonies. Nevertheless he was never suspected, to my knowledge, of concurring in or countenancing any of those many plots which were laid by other officers of the crown against our liberties; but, on the contrary, was known to be the object of their jealousy, revenge, and malice because he would not. He was, however, intimate with several gentlemen who stood

*MSS. Dep. of State; 3 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 464, with verbal changes; 7 J. Adams' Works, 457.

639

foremost in opposition, particularly Mr. Otis, who has often communicated to me intelligence of very great importance which he had from Mr. Temple, and which he certainly could have got no other way, as early, I believe, as 1763 and 1764, and onwards.

I can not undertake to vindicate Mr. Temple's policy in remaining so long in England, but it will be easily in his power to show what kind of company he has kept there, what kind of sentiments and conversation he has maintained, and in what occupations he has employed his time. It is not with a view to recommend Mr. Temple to honors or emoluments that I write this. It would not be proper for me, and Congress know very well that I have not ventured upon this practice even in cases where I have much more personal knowledge than in this. But it is barely to prevent, as far as my poor opinion may go, jealousies and alarms upon Mr. Temple's arrival. Many may suspect that he comes with secret and bad designs, in the confidence of the British ministry, of which I do not believe him capable.

Mr. Temple, it is most certain, has fallen from high rank and ample emoluments merely because he would not join in hostile designs against his country. This, I think, should at least entitle him to the quiet enjoyment of the liberties of his country and to the esteem of his fellowcitizens, provided there are no just grounds of suspicion of him. And I really think it a testimony due to truth to say that, after a great deal of the very freest conversation with him, I see no reason to suspect his intentions.

I have taken the liberty to give Mr. Temple my own sentiments concerning the suspicions which have been and are entertained concerning bim and the causes of them, and of all parts of his conduct which have come to my knowledge with so little disguise, that he will be well apprized of the disappointments he may meet with, if any. I hope, however, that he will meet a more friendly reception in America and better prospects of a happy life there than I have been able to assure him. Whether any services or sufferings of Mr. Temple could support any claim upon the justice, gratitude, or generosity of the United States, or of that of Massachusetts in particular, is a question upon which it would be altogether improper for me to give any opinion, as I know not the facts so well as they may be made known, and as I am no judge if I knew the facts. But this I know, that whenever the facts shall be laid before either the great council of the United States or that of the Massachusetts, they will be judged of by the worthy representatives of a just, grateful, and generous people, and therefore Mr. Temple will have no reason to complain if the decision should be against him.

I have the honor to be, &c.,

JOHN ADAMS.

J. Adams to the President of Congress.*

AMSTERDAM, August 16, 1781.

SIR: The following verbal insinuation, made to the ambassador of Holland at the court of Russia, was transmitted to Congress in my absence, and is now repeated by me, in order to complete the sets already forwarded:

The affection of the empress to the interests of the republic of the United Provinces, and her desire to see re-established, by a prompt reconciliation, a peace and good harmony between the two maritime powers have been sufficiently manifested by the step which she has taken in offering them her separate mediation. †

If she has not had the desired success, her Imperial majesty has only been for that reason the more attentive to search out the means capable of conducting her to it. One such means offers itself in the combined mediation of the two imperial courts, under the auspices of which it is to be treated at Vienna of a general pacification of the courts actually at war.

It belongs only to the republic to regulate itself in the same manner. Her Imperial majesty, by an effect of her friendship for it, imposing upon herself the task to bring her co-mediator into an agreement to share with her the cares and the good offices which she has displayed in its favor. As soon as it shall please their high mightinesses to make known their intentions in this regard to the Prince de Gallitzen, the envoy of the empress at The Hague, charged to make to them the same insinuation, this last will write of it immediately to the minister of her Imperial majesty at Vienna, who will not fail to take with that court the arrangements which are prescribed to him, to the end to proceed in this affair by the same formalities which we have made use of with the other powers.

Her Imperial majesty flatters herself that the republic will receive this overture as a fresh proof of her benevolence, and of the attention which she preserves to cultivate the ties of that friendship and of that alliance which subsists between them.

It does not appear by this insinuation that the articles proposed by the two imperial courts to serve as a basis for the negotiations of peace at Vienna were communicated to the Dutch minister at Petersburgh or the Russian minister at The Hague, or by either to their high mightinesses; as the word courts at war is used, and no hint about the United States in it, the probability is that the articles are not communicated. I must confess I like this insinuation very much, because it may be in time an excellent precedent for making such an insinuation to the minister of the United States of America.

I have the honor to be, etc.,

JOHN ADAMS.

Franklin to J. Adams.‡

PASSY, August 16, 1781.

SIR: I have the honor to inform your excellency that I yesterday received despatches from Congress refusing for the present the dismission I had requested, and ordering me upon an additional service, that

*MSS. Dep. of State; 3 Spark Dip. Rev. Corr., 466.

This separate mediation is discussed at large in the first volume of the Corre

of being joined with yourself and Messrs. Jay, H. Laurens and T. Jefferson in negotiations for peace. I would send you a copy of the commission and of another which authorizes us to accept of the mediation of the Emperor and Empress of Russia, but that I suppose you may have them in the enclosed packet. I shall be glad to learn from your excellency what steps have already been taken in this important busi

ness.

With great regard, etc.,

B. FRANKLIN.

Washington to Morris.t

HEADQUARTERS, Dobbs' Ferry, August 17, 1781.

DEAR SIR: I have in confidence imparted to you the alteration of our late plan, and made you acquainted with our intended operations. Besides the provision necessary at the head of the Elk to carry the troops down the bay, a very considerable quantity will be wanted in Virginia. I should suppose three hundred barrels of flour, as many of salt meat, and eight or ten hogsheads of rum would be sufficient at the Elk. For what will be consumed in Virginia I imagine the order must be general, as we can neither ascertain the number of men which will be drawn together, or the time they will be employed.

I have written to the Count de Grasse, and have requested him to send up his light vessels of every kind to the Elk; but I would, nevertheless, wish to have all that may be at Baltimore and the upper parts of the bay secured. I shall therefore be obliged to you to take measures at the proper time for that purpose. When that time will be, and when you shall give orders for the deposit at the Elk, I will hereafter inform you.

I shall direct the quartermaster in due season to take up all the small craft in the Delaware for the purpose of transporting the troops from Trenton to Christiana. Should he have occasion for advice or assistance from you on this occasion I must request you to give him both.

-

I am confident it will be necessary to give the American troops destined for southern service one month's pay in specie. This will amount to about dollars. If it will be possible for you to procure this sum, you will infinitely oblige me and will much benefit the service. I shall also stand in need of a sum of specie for secret services; I suppose about five hundred guineas.

I have the honor to be, etc.,

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

* Of Germany.

+ MSS. Dep. of State; 6 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 309.

WH-VOL IV41

J. Adams to the President of Congress.*

AMSTERDAM, August 18, 1781. SIR: We have received at last Parker's account of the action with Admiral Zoutman; according to which the battle was maintained with a continual fire for three hours and forty minutes, when it became impossible to work his ships. He made an attempt to recommence the action, but found it impracticable. The Bienfaisant had lost her maintop-mast and the Buffalo her mizzen-yard, and the other vessels were not less damaged in their masts, rigging, and sails. The enemy did not appear in a better condition. The two squadrons remained some time over against each other; at length the Dutch retired, taking, with their convoy, the course to the Texel. He was not in a condition to follow them. The officers and all on board behaved with great bravery, and the enemy did not discover less courage. He encloses the particulars of the number killed and wounded and of the damages which the vessels have sustained. The last is prudently suppressed by the ministry. The following is a list of the killed and wounded in the action of the 5th of August:

MSS. Dep. of State; 3 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 467, with verbal changes.