Rome the word "freedom" was once more openly uttered in the streets haunted by the glories of a Brutus and a Cicero; and though the Austrian bayonets glittered in Ferrara, the genius of Italy appeared to be reviving, while constitutional England prepared to throw before it her protecting shield.

Menaced by Prince Metternich, scarcely supported by M. Guizot, the new Pope and the patriots who trusted in him looked to Lord Palmerston for advice and aid. The head of the Church of Rome turned away from the governments which professed his faith, and asked assistance from the statesman of the great Protestant Empire. It has since been seen that this reforming Pope had indeed no settled principles of liberty; that he spoke of freedom and professed to emancipate his people, without having at all calculated the consequences of his acts, or the means to attain his ends. To see himself applauded as the champion of popular rights, was to him a new and exquisite luxury; but it was a very dangerous luxury, and one in which he does not seem inclined again to indulge.

Lord Palmerston answered to the call of the Italian liberals. In the autumn of 1847, he accredited Lord Minto on a special mission to the

courts of Turin and Florence. At first this nobleman seemed to be perfectly successful; throughout Italy his counsels were requested and attended to; he advised moderate reforms and pacific measures; under his superintendance, the political movements in Italy were happily progressing. Had it not been for the tremendous impulse given to the revolutionary spirit by the great outbreak at Paris in the following year, there can be little doubt that Lord Minto's diplomatic mission to the Italian States, and the cause of Italian independence, would have had a very different termination to that which they unfortunately experienced.

The year 1847 ended with peace restored in Portugal and Switzerland, with the French government discredited by its recreant policy and organised corruption, with the cry for reform echoing through France, with Austria sternly attempting to keep down. the popular spirit in Lombardy, and intimidating the Italian princes who had yielded to the wishes of their people. Lord Palmerston was closely watched both by subjects and sovereigns.

392

CHAP. XII.

COUNT DE MONTALEMBERT'S SPEECH ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS.— ITALIAN REVOLUTIONS. LORD PALMERSTON'S POLICY IN

1848.

AUSTRIA AND HUNGARY.

DEMANDS FOR THE

DIPLOMATIC VICTORY OF SIR GREEK QUESTION. -DEBATE IN LORD PALMERSTON'S DEFEnce.

MR. GLADSTONE'S LETTERS TO LORD ABERDEEN. TIREMENT OF LORD PALMERSTON.

- CONCLUSION.

THE eloquent Count de Montalembert delivered a great oration in the French Chambers of Peers, on the 13th of January, 1848. His eyes rolling with a fine frenzy, he scanned the political horizon, and after taking a deliberate survey of all Europe, his gaze became fixed on one figure, whom he regarded as another Eolus, ready to let slip the revolutionary winds from their caves. There was no danger from Italy, there was no danger from the ministers of Austria, the social condition of France gave this great religious politician no cause for apprehension. From one man alone, and his detestable machinations, was there any reason for fear; and that individual was the Secretary of State of the Queen of

England. He was the great offender. It was he who, at the time when France and Austria were about to make a demonstration in favour of the Swiss Catholics, insisted on a previous understanding, while he pressed on hostilities in Switzerland, and thus secured the triumph of the Radicals. He was the executioner of Catholicism. He was kindling a flame which would cross the Channel, and show that prosperity, liberty, and justice were not the privilege of one nation alone. "When noble peers," said Count de Montalembert, "stand up in this tribune and speak what they think of the Emperor of Austria, and Prince Metternich, I may surely declare my opinion of Lord Palmerston."

It was

This address excited much interest. copied into the English newspapers, and formed the theme of many leading articles. Editors in France and England echoed the tone of the orator, and there was probably not one of the kings, courtiers, or ministers, about to expiate years of misdeeds by flight and exile, who did not impute the unsettled state of society to Lord Palmerston, and not to their own misgovernment and folly. This was the cant of the period. Wherever there were disorders committed or revolutionary outbreaks apprehended, Lord Palmerston was sure to be considered the cause of

all troubles. This minister justly said, that no imputation could be more vulgar or more unfounded than to accuse him of wishing to excite discontent; in fact, such an imputation was just as absurd as to represent Lord Aberdeen as wishing to see absolute power established in all countries. The party spirit of the moment gave a currency to both these charges; and they were only too much authorised by these two statesmen themselves. Lord Aberdeen most unjustly said that Lord Palmerston endeavoured to create revolutions; and Lord Palmerston most unjustly retorted that Lord Aberdeen endeavoured to make despotisms.

Lord Minto's journey to Italy was much blamed by the Opposition in the session of 1848. Every Englishman may now, on looking back with calmness on the fearful agitation of Europe, be thankful that this well-intentioned but unfor tunate mission, was the most important subject of controversy in Parliament at a time when the King of Prussia was compelled to leave his "beloved Berliners," when the Emperor of Austria was obliged to fly twice from Vienna, when the barricades of Paris were taken by storin after a deadly conflict, when the Austrian troops were driven out of Milan, the King of Bavaria forced to abdicate, the King of Naples