tures upon our good faith. In the sixth article of this treaty, it is recited that divers British merchants alleged that debts to a considerable amount remain owing to them; and "that by the operation of various lawful impediments since the peace, not only the full recovery of the said debts has been delayed, but also the value and security thereof have been, in several instances, impaired and lessened, so that by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, the British creditor cannot now obtain full and adequate compensation." From the language of this article we may infer, and it was undoubtedly true, that some of the debts had been either recovered by the course of law, or paid voluntarily, although a considerable amount remained owing; and that recoveries had been had in the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, although in several instances they had failed. We must also keep in mind, that this was the representation and complaint of the British creditors, making their strongest case; that they have not specified the instances they alluded to, nor explained what were the lawful impediments which had prevented or delayed the full recovery of their debts, nor given any estimate of the considerable amount that remained owing. We have, therefore, nothing but their allegations and opinions of the nature and cause of the impedi ments complained of; nor do we know that they, or some of them, were not such as occur in the "ordinary course of judicial proceedings." On these loose grounds, however, the United States, desirous of affording all reasonable satisfaction, agreed that "in all such cases where the full compensation for all such losses and damages cannot be actually obtained, had and received by the said creditors in the ordinary course of justice, the United States shall make full and complete compensation for the same to the same creditors." This was an assumption of the debts gratuitously and liberally made by our Government, manifestly for the benefit of the British creditor. The treaty of 1783 required no such assumption or responsibility. But this treaty imposed difficulties upon the creditor, in themselves entirely just, in making out his case under the treaty, which were of an embarrassing character. He was bound, in every particular instance, to show that he could not obtain his debt in the ordinary course of justice. Nor was this all. The clause in the treaty goes on to declare that "it is distinctly understood that the provision is to extend to such losses only as have been occasioned by the lawful impediments aforesaid, and it is not to extend to losses occasioned by such insolvency of the debtors, or other cases as would equally have operated, if the said impediments had not existed; nor to such losses or damages as have been occasioned by the manifest delay, or negligence, or wilful omission of the claimant."Now let it not be forgotten, that the "Querist" does not complain of these provisions in this treaty, nor impeach their justice and reasonableness; indeed, he could not do so; for when the United States took upon themselves debts they were in nowise bound to pay, it was right they should guard themselves against imposition and fraud. The "Querist" complains not of the treaty of 1794, but of the manner in which the United States have performed or fulfilled its engagements under it. The most imperfect examination will show, even to the most prejudiced mind, that the subsequent compromise of the claims of the creditors made between the United States and Great Britain, was a further act of liberal generosity, altogether for the benefit of the creditor.

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tion? Why, says this querulous Querist, there was a large difference between the sum paid and the full amount of the debts due by our citizens. Was there so? Has this writer ever inquired into the fact? Does he know, or has he sought to know, anything about it? If he has, then let him furnish us with the result of his examination in a more specific shape than merely to tell us the difference is large. In what documents has he found the proof of this assertion? Judging from the allegation of the British creditor, as stated in the treaty of 1794, I should judge that the sum was ample to meet all that remained owing to them. Again, this treaty by no means undertook for the payment of every debt.— Certain exceptions and conditions were declared, which were unquestionably just; and the question, therefore, is, whether the sum paid was not sufficient to cover all the debts provided for by that treaty, the charge against us being for the non-fulfilment of that treaty. This accuser must show that the recovery of the debts which remained unpaid had been prevented by lawful impediments, and that they did not fall within any of the exceptions mentioned in the article. I am quite safe in saying that he is not prepared to do this, and he must therefore be considered to have made one of those rash and random assertions which some men venture upon, who, having a certain feeling to gratify, do not look to their proof before they condemn.

But if it were true that the amount paid did fall short of the debts to be paid, how can that impeach our good faith, or affect the rights of the British creditor? His Government made itself his debtor: he may prosecute and prove his claim at his own door, where, it is presumed, he will meet with no unjust impediment or delay in obtaining all that is justly due to him-certainly with none that we are answerable for. But this considerate querist extends his tender regard for the British creditor to the British Government, and is quite unhappy, lest that may have lost something by this compromise. That Government was the best judge of this, and her ministers had, at least, as good information of the amount they might be called upon to pay, as their friend and advocate, the Querist. Compromises of this sort are of constant recurrence between nations, having friendly dispositions towards each other, for the settlement of claims very difficult, perhaps impossible, to be adjusted by the examination of every separate case. In this manner our claims upon Naples were settled; so our claims upon Great Britain for the slaves taken away in the last war. So, the claims of our citizens upon France were liquidated by the convention already mentioned, at twenty millions of francs. Other instances are of common notoriety to those who examine such subjects before they write about them.

On the question of lawful impediments to prevent the recovery of British debts, it is sufficient to say that the subject came before the Supreme Court of the United States, and was there solemnly and finally decided. The judgment of the Court was, that debts due in the United States to British subjects before the war of the revolution, though sequestered or paid into the State Treasury, were levived by the treaty of 1783, and the creditors were entitled to recover them from the original debtors; and further, it was decided by the same Court, that the statue of limitations should be suspended during the war as to alien enemies. These decisions were made in 1794, prior to the treaty of that year, and were then, and are now, the supreme law of the land. I do not know what lawful impediments could afterwards be opposed to the recovery of British debts, other than such as every suitor in every Court has to meet. If the Querist knows of any, he will be able to explain what they were, and where they existed.

Some years elapsed after this provision for the British creditors was made, when, we may presume, they found it always difficult, and often impossible, to bring themselves within the required action of the treaty, so as to entitle themselves to its benefits. The Government of the United States, in a spirit of justice and generosity rarely found in similar By the treaty of 1794, commissioners were mutually aptransactions, in order to remove these difficulties, and give pointed to adjudicate upon these claims, to ascertain the immediate redress to these creditors, entered into a new ar- amount of the loss and damages to be paid to the British rangement for their final settlement. The United States creditors. Before this tribunal they had nothing to fear from agreed to pay, and Great Britain agreed to receive, the sum unlawful or unjust impediments; from any vexatious delays; of six hundred thousand pounds sterling, nearly three mil- from the acts of State Legislatures, or the partiality of lions of dollars, for the liquidation and discharge of these Courts and juries. A Court was raised for them in which debts, which sum was fully and faithfully paid by the United they had Judges of their own country, and the commisStates, according to the terms of the treaty. Now what sioners on both sides were intelligent, disinterested and honcomplaint can be made of our national faith in this transac-orable men, certainly disposed to do justice to the parties as

fully and speedily as possible, and not hampered by technical forms. But here the creditor met with the intrinsic and unavoidable difficulties which were inseparable from the nature of his case; the proof of his claim in the manner directed by the treaty, and which could, in no sense, be considered as impediments thrown in his way to embarrass or defeat his right, or as bringing any reproach upon the Courts of our country when they may have occurred. In the Convention of 1802, it is recited that difficulties had arisen in execution of the treaty of 1794, in consequence of which, the proceedings of the commissioners had been suspended. And this is an answer to the question: "Did not the difficulty which British subjects found in collecting the debts due to them, proceed from the fact of the States having confiscated them, or prohibited their recovery?" Certainly not; for after the decision of the Supreme Court, no such difficulty could be raised successfully even in our Courts, and much less before the commissioners. As to the suggestion that "the trouble of adjusting the details" proceeded from an unwillingness or inability on our part to pay the whole amount of the debt, it is entirely gratuitous, not only without proof, but in contradiction to the whole course of the conduct of our government. It is very easy to propound these pregnant questions, but it would have been more satisfactory and just if the Querist had made his allegations in a more direct form, and supported them by his evidence. To relieve the creditors from difficulties which, in many cases, would have been insurmountable, the United States did show their willingness and ability to pay "an enormous sum of money;" we may safely say a much greater amount than could have been recovered for them, under the terms of the treaty of 1794, of which no complaint is or can reasonably be made.

I have thus given, with some detail, and I believe with truth and accuracy, a view of the proceedings of the Government of the United States, in relation to their domestic and foreign debts. If I am mistaken in my facts, it may be easily exposed; if I am not, then I may challenge ingenuity or prejudice to show any want of good faith, any disregard or violation of any pecuniary engagement, or any negligence in providing for them. J. H.

Organic Remains.

This compound term is properly applied to designate those fragments, more or less perfect, of animals or vegetables found imbedded in the crust, or outer shell of the earth. When any new discovery of any of these fragments is made, and made public, the publishers leave a material part of their work undone when localities are neglected. There are some elements of such obvious necessity to the distinct understanding of the subject, that some surprise may be justly expressed when they do not form a part of any account of newly discovered organic remains: such, for instance, as the latitude of the location; whether found in rock, clay, sand, &c.; how deeply imbedded; and especially elevation as near as possible, of location above, and the distance from the nearest sea-coast and rivers.

The subjoined and otherwise well-authenticated statement is deficient in most of the preceding requisites. We cannot fully supply the deficiency, but we can give some data to enable the reader to more clearly comprehend the similarity between the place where found and other places where analogous remains have been disinterred.

Clarke county, Alabama, comprises the lower part of the peninsula between the Tombigbee and Alabama rivers. Clarksville, the county seat, as laid down by Tanner, stands at north latitude 31 deg. 42 min. The county extends from 31 deg. 8 min. to 31 deg. 58 min. north. The junction of the two bounding rivers, or southern angle of the county, is about 60 miles from the Gulf of Mexico, and 30 miles above the head of Mobile Bay. Low as are the tides of the Gulf, they flow up both rivers, and reach Fort St. Stephen's in the Tombigbee, and Fort Claiborne in Alabama. From these elements it is evident that much of Clarke county rises but little above the ocean level, as that level now exists. It is, however, only necessary to examine the entire coast of

the United States from New York harbor, if no further north-eastward, round to the Sabine, to find everywhere evidence of an elevation at some former period far above the present. The immense shell banks are one, and scarce need any other element to support the preceding conclusion. At some very remote period in the history of our planet, Saurian, or lizard-like reptilia, appear to have been the most abundant of its animals. Of these genera the most remarkable yet remaining as living beings are the various genera of crocodiles and aligators. Some of the ancient species appear from their remains to have very far exceeded in size any of their living congenera. Of the extinct the most remarkable were the Ichthyosaurus, Megalosaurus, and, nearly allied, the Iguanodon. The gigantic Dinotherium was a warm blooded quadruped, and, though similar to the yet existing Morses, was also an aquatic creature; differing however, in all other respects from Saurians.

From the location of their extinct remains, and that of their living congenera, the Saurian tribes appear to have existed and continue to exist in shallows, with muddy alluvial bottoms, along sea-coasts, or along rivers and marshes at no great distance from sea-coasts. Though tropical countries are more congenial, the peculiar physiology of these reptilia enables them to exist on the earth considerably beyond tropical limits, as is the case with the alligator in the United States.

The writer of these observations had a long series of seasons to observe the habits of the alligator. When the air and water rise to between forty and fifty degrees above Fahrenheit's scale—and the higher increase the effects-the alligator in the water is excessively active when in pursuit of prey. On the contrary, when the temperature falls below forty degrees of Fahrenheit, and before coming down to thirty-two degrees, or freezing of water, the alligator sinks and lies torpid in its oozy bed until its requisite warmth restores it to active life. Hence a traveller may now visit the alligator region at one season, and see those disgusting rep. tiles in abundance; and another may visit the same region at another season without being able to see a single trace to show that ever such an animal was its inhabitant.

These laws of organic life were, we may safely conclude, at all times common to the Saurian tribes, and accounts why their remains are found in places and climates where apparently their congenera could not now exist. To speak particularly of the delta of the Mississippi and adjacent places, I have long observed that, of the thousands of alligators which hibernate in the mud at the bottoms of the ponds, lagoons, and water-courses, many annually remain buried, and nearly all are thus ultimately inhumed. If, therefore, we suppose a further depression of the Gulf of Mexico to take place, and, as has evidently been the case in Clarke county, surfaces laid permanently bare which are now covered with water, thousands and tens of thousands of remains of alligators would be discovered.

those of a species or genus far more gigantic than the living The animal remains found in Clarke county have been Saurians of the adjacent regions; but there is every rational reason to regard their location and preservation to have arisen from the common laws of their congenera.

[National Intelligencer.

Resignation of the Cabinet--Mr. Badger's Letter. Messrs. Gales & Seaton :-I deem it proper to offer a public explanation of some of the reasons which led to my resignation, on the 11th instant, of the office of Secretary of the Navy, and, for that purpose, ask a small space in the National Intelligencer.

At the Cabinet meeting held on the 18th of August last, (the Attorney General and the Postmaster General being absent,) the subject of an Exchange Bank, or institution, was brought forward by the President himself, and was fully considered. Into the particulars of what passed I do not propose now to enter. It will be sufficient to say that it was then distinctly stated and understood that such an institution met the approbation of the President, and was deemed by

him free of constitutional objections; that he desired (if Congress should deem it necessary to act upon the subject during the session) that such an institution should be adopted by that body, and that the members of his Cabinet should aid in bringing about that result; and Messrs. Webster and Ewing were specially requested by the President to have a communication upon the subject with certain members of Congress. The institution then spoken of was to be located in the District of Columbia; to be authorized to establish agencies in the States and Territories with power to deal in bills of exchange between the United States and foreign countries, and in bills of exchange drawn in one State or Territory and payable in another State or Territory; and the exercise of this power was not to depend on any assent, expressed or implied, of the States within which such agencies might be established.

In consequence of what passed at this meeting, I saw such friends in Congress as I deemed it proper to approach, and urged upon then the passage of a bill to establish such an institution, assuring them that I did not doubt it would receive the approbation of the President.

The bill was passed, as the public know, and was met by the Veto. Now, if the President, after the meeting of the 18th August had changed his mind as to the constitutional powers of Congress, and had come to doubt or deny what he had admitted in that meeting, (which is the most favorable interpretation that can be put upon his conduct,) it was, in my opinion, a plain duty on his part to have made known to the gentlemen concerned this change of sentiment-to have offered them an apology for the unpleasant situation in which they were placed by his agency-or, at least, to have softened, by a full explanation of his motion, his intended Veto of a measure in promoting the success of which they, at his request, had rendered their assistance. But this the President did not do. Never, from the moment of my leaving his house on the 18th, did he open his lips to me on the subject. It was only from the newspapers, from rumor, from hearsay, I learned that he had denied the constitutionality of the proposed institution, and had made the most solemn asseverations that he would never approve a measure which I knew was suggested by himself, and which had been at his own instance introduced into Congress. It was still in the President's power, by a proper statement in the message containing his objections to the bill, to have supplied these omissions, and in some degree at least to have repaired his former neglect: but when that paper came to be read, it was found that so far from saying frankly that he once favored and had been willing to sanction the bill, but had been led (if such was the fact) by subsequent reflection to adopt different views upon the subject, he treated the measure as one evidently inconsistent with his previously expressed opinions, and which it ought not to have been supposed for a moment he could approve.

repudiated-efforts prompted and then disowned-services rendered and then treated with scorn or neglect. Such a case required, in my judgment, upon considerations, private and public, that the official relations subsisting between the President and myself should be immediately dissolved. GEO. E. BADGER.

Washington, Sept. 18, 1840.

Bishop of New Jersey-Consecration at Leeds. The Leeds (England) Intelligencer of the 4th inst. gives full particulars of the imposing ceremony of the Consecration of the newly erected Parish Church, (Dr. Hook's) on the 2d inst.-for which occasion the right Rev. Bishop Doane of this State, was invited to England. There was an unusual convocation of the dignitaries and clergy of the Church, including his Grace the venerable Archbishop of York, the Lord Bishop of Ripon, &c., and an immense concourse of people, more than 4,000 being present.

The Consecration Sermon was preached, at the request of the Bishop of the Diocese, by the Bishop of New Jersey, from St. Paul's Epistle to the Ephesians, 1st chapter, 22d and 23d verses. "Head over all things to the Church which is his body; the fulness of him that filleth all in all.”

After the very imposing ceremonies in the church, there was a social entertainment at Music Hall. We take the following extracts, interesting to our readers from the report of the sentiments and addresses at the table:

[Newark Daily Advertiser.

Dr. Hook:-Ladies and Gentlemen, during the time that the American Colonies which now form the United States, were united with this country, this country most grievously neglected its religious duties. The church was there neglected; but the Church still exists; and no sooner was the independence of the United States declared, than the Presbyters were sent over from America to be consecrated as Bishops in England and in Scotland. Since that time that Church, as most persons in this room know, has gone on thriving be yond our most sanguine expectations. (Hear.) But there was a natural jealousy between the two countries when first the independence of the United States was declared, and the Legislature of this land would only permit the Archbishop of Canterbury to exercise his Episcopal functions in favor of those persons who had been sent over from the United States on condition that they should not thereby acquire a right, or be permitted, to officiate in our pulpits. That restriction, through the influence of the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Archbishop of York, was during the last Session of Parliament happily removed. (Cheers.) There was a most eminent and distinguished Divine in America with whom I had long corresponded, with whose virtues I was well acquainted, and I immediately wrote to that Right Rev. Prelate, and suggested that, the restriction having been withdrawn, it would be well if he would condescend to come over and preach the Consecration Sermon at our Church. (Cheers.) When that letter arrived, the Right Rev. Prelate seemed to think much of the three thousand miles; he wrote to say that it was quite impossible to come; but before the night had passed over his head he had discovered that things impossible did sometimes come to pass, and the same post that brought me his refusal, brought me another letter to say that he would come. (Loud applause.) And come he has; and has been received by the Bishops and Clergy, and the It is scarcely necessary to say that I have not supposed, Laity of the Church of England, in a manner for which his and do not now suppose, that a difference merely between heart will ever be grateful. He has heard it stated by the the President and his Cabinet, either as to the constitution- Archbishop of Canterbury that he thinks the connexion beality or the expediency of a bank, necessarily interposes any tween the two Churches will be the surest means of proobstacles to a full and cordial co-operation between them in moting peace between the two countries. (Hear and cheers.) the general conduct of his Administration; and therefore, You have heard how he has been received by our beloved deeply as I regretted the Veto of the first bill, I did not feel Metropolitan, and you yourselves, I know, will gladly thank myself at liberty to retire on that account from my situation. him for the kind service he has rendered us; and you, I am But the facts attending the initiation and disproval of the sure, will delight to second, what his Grace has commissionlast bill made a case totally different from that--one it is be-ed me to propose, that the Right Rev. Prelate, the Bishop of lieved without a parallel in the history of our Cabinets; presenting, to say nothing more, a measure embraced and then

Whether this conduct of the President is susceptible of just defence or reasonable excuse it is not necessary now to inquire. I have not heard, nor can I imagine any ground for either. Whether an explanation of it has been offered to any one of the gentlemen concerned I know not, but none was at any time offered to me: and while I forbear to make the remarks, obvious and painful as they are, which the transaction suggests, I declare the conviction that this conduct of the President, stating without known defence, excuse, or explanation, constituted (if no other reasons had existed) ample ground for a withdrawal from his Cabinet without delay.

New Jersey, be requested to publish that Sermon. (Loud cheers.) On Saturday next he sails for his native land.

We wish him a good voyage, and say to him and his Church God speed. (Cheers.) I propose that we drink

"The health of the Bishop of New Jersey." (Drank with loud applause.)

The Bishop of New Jersey-Ladies and Gentlemen: this is not my first introduction to the Churchmen of Leeds. I had known them long by report: and it was my pleasure not long after my arrival here to be introduced on an occasion of great interest by my beloved friend, your admirable Vicar. It was then that I first knew how English churchmen could appreciate, and express their appreciation of, the loftiest talents, the noblest virtues, the most unreserved services, given up to the glory of God, for the good of man, and the edification of the Church. And never shall I forget the exultation with which I entered into the reception that you then gave to my worthy friend your Vicar. Happy was I to be received by such hearts, with that enthusiasm which was then expressed. Since that time I have been permitted by the good Providence of God to accomplish such purposes as my very limited time in England would allow, in visiting the more important and interesting portions of the country; considered chiefly in what most interests me, its ecclesiastical character. And as it was through the kind and affectionate interest of your Vicar that my voyage was undertaken, so it has been ordered in the Providence of God, that my farewell to England should be taken here, in his presence, and among you. (Cheers.) Permit me to say, that while, as it has just been stated, I have been received as a Bishop of the western Church with the highest consideration and the warmest affection-while I have received at the hands of his Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of London, and let me especially say, of your own admirable Bishop, the most affectionate attention-it has been reserved for me this day, and on this occasion, to receive most courteous at tention at the hands of him, your venerable and venerated Metropolitan, by whose side it is my pleasure and my privilege to sit. (Cheers.) My excellent friend, your Vicar, has truly stated to you that my first decision was that I could not accept his invitation; not so much from any consideration of the distance as from what then seemed to be urgent domestic reasons. It was one of the occasions on which I have been led to believe, and to know that second thoughts are best; and you will give me credit when I say that the interval between the first and the second thought was exceedingly short. (Cheers.) My purpose in coming to England was, first to assist at the consecration of your noble church, so happily consummated to day, through the good Providence of God; and then to open rather than renew, under the permission given by the act to which my friend has alluded, that Catholic intercourse between the Churches (Hear) which I cannot justly say had been suspended, because it had never in reality existed. My purpose in coming to England is effected. I have received from the hands, and I know, from the hearts, of the two Archbishops, the expressions of their kind regards for myself, and more important still, the expression of their deep paternal interest in the youthful Church of which I am a Bishop. Permit me to say, that I use the term "paternal" because I wish to respond for myseif and the Church of which I am a Bishop, to the term the Lord Archbishop was pleased to express, when he spoke of the "filial" feeling towards the English Church which had actuated me in undertaking my journey to this country. (Hear.) I am glad that he should have entered into my feelings, and have used in the course of his own observations, such a term as that towards the Church to which I have the honor and the privilege to belong; and allow me to state that in speaking thus I speak for the Church of which I am a Bishop, which, in its preface to the Book of Common Prayer, next to Almighty God, expresses its gratitude for nursing care and protection to the Church of England. (Hear.) Happy shall I be to carry home to the daughter Church, the report which everywhere, from one end of the kingdom to the other, it has been my highest pleasure to gather, with increasing confirmation at every step, that in the mother Church, and through its influence, the highest, noblest, and most extended interests of Christian

men are supported, encouraged, and about to be carried into effect, and with a zeal and a fervor, an impulse and a perseverance unknown in modern times. Langunge would fail me should I attempt to express my gratification on witnessing the great interests of Catholic truth engaging the hearts, and enlisting in its support the best, and truest, and noblest sons of this the noblest country in the world. (Cheers.) May it be manifested here in the multiplication of your Churches, and the strengthening of every benevolent interest which has relation to Christianity, the elevation of the religious character of your universities and public institutions, the devising of new modes of extending the benefits of the Gospel to all who live under the shadow of your throne, through that noble enterprise which takes the whole world within the span of its benevolence, and contemplates the sending out to your Colonial dependencies, persons invested with that power and authority by which alone a Church can be properly directed, and through which alone the full measure of Christian privileges and Christian blessings can be conveyed to any people. (Cheers.) The plan of your Colonial Bishoprics I shall carry home, and cherish it in my heart of hearts. I am going very soon to meet our great Triennial Convention, in which and by which all the interests of the Church are controlled and directed; and I feel the highest thankfulness to God that I can set before them an example so inciting, which is so certain to meet with a full recompense in every heart, and to animate us to that only provocation of which Christian men should suffer themselves to be capable-the provocation to good works. (Cheers.) One word more and only one. The zealous enthusiasm with which the sentiment of the venerable Archbishop of Canterbury, with regard to peace between the two countries, as stated by my excellent friend the Vicar, was received by this meeting, has not been lost upon my heart, and it shall not be lost upon those among whom it is my lot and my privilege to live. (Hear.) Permit me to say that true Americans have English hearts. (Cheers.) Whatever may appear to the contrary, originating either in the zeal of the political arena, or in the scurrilities of newspapers, I assure you that the truest interests of England are dear to the hearts of all true men and women in America. (Hear.) With the same breath, and the same pulsation of heart, they rejoice in the prosperity of England and in their own; and you owe it to us, and we owe it to you, for it is obligatory upon us both, to do what in us lies to promote our common Christianity. (Hear.) The fact is, that we are all as one in that bond which came down from Heaven, which is designated to compass the earth, which cannot be affected by the changes of time, which cannot he influenced by the interests of earth, the bond of Catholic truth maintained in Catholic love. (Cheers.) I thank you from my heart, dear brethren, for all the kindness you have shown me; and I ask your prayers for me and for my Church, assuring you that mine will ever rise for you and yours. (The Right Rev. Bishop resumed his seat amidst loud applause.)

The Archbishop then retired, with Miss Georgiana Harcourt, and it was half past six o'clock, and the Evening Service at the Church commenced at seven, the company immediately broke up.

Railroad Iron.

The ship European, which arrived here on Thursday from Wales, brought a cargo of eight hundred tons of railroad iron, for the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Company. This iron will be laid down forthwith on the line of the road from Harper's Ferry westward, the superstructure being already completed for its reception. Other cargoes, we learn, are on their way hither.-Baltimore American.

Large Stone.

One of the corner blocks for the new Exchange, arrived in Boston on Monday. It was drawn in by sixty yoke of oxen and six horses, weighs about fifty-seven tons, measurement, and is forty feet long, and six wide, and four or five in thickness.

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Which shows the imports in 1840 to have been less than in 1838 by $6,575,885, and than in 1839, $54,950,613. Of the imports, $92,802,352 were in American, and $14, 339,167 in foreign vessels.

Of the whole amount of imports $57,196,204, or 53 per cent was free of duty.

The amount of imports from
England......$33,114,133 Mexico .....






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Total excess of imports..

Showing that there has been an excess of imports of $2,748,561 of Foreign gold and silver, and an export of $2,235,073 of American in its place.

Commerce of some of the Atlantic States.

NEW YORK-Imports $60,440,750. Exports $34,264,.$4,175,001080, viz. domestic produce $22,676,609. Foreign, $11,587,471-Tonnage entered, vessels, 4,551; tons, 1,006,990; crews, 54,583 men and boys. American vessels, 2,483; foreign, 1,708. Cleared, 2,411 American; 1,678 foreign; Total, 4,089.

17,572,876 Hanse Towns... 2,521,493 9,835,477 Brit. Am. Col... 2,007,767 6,640,829 Russia... 2,572,427 4,927,296 Brit. E. Indies.. 1,952,461 From Sweden and Norway, Holland, British W. I., Hayti, Spain, Spanish W. I., except Cuba, Italy, Venezuela, Chili, the imports exceed one million each.

Some of the principal articles of import were-
Teas (from China) lbs. 19,981,476 ......$5,417,589

[blocks in formation]

The amount of exports in 1840 amt'ed to $132,085,946 1839....... 121,028,416 1838... 108,486,616 Being an excess in 1840 over 1838 of $23,599,330, and over 1839 of $11,057,530. Domestic exports in 1840

MASSACHUSETTS-Imports $16,513,858. Exports, $10,186,261, viz. American $6,268,158. Foreign, $3,918,103 Tonnage entered, 1,904 vessels; tons, 321,450; crews, 16,566; American vessels, 1,201; foreign, 703. Cleared, 1,704, viz. 940 American and 764 foreign.

PENNSYLVANIA-Imports $8,464,882. Exports, $6,820,145, viz. American produce $5,736,456; foreign, $1,083,689-Tonnage entered, 444 vessels; tons, 87,702; crews, 4,253; American, 353; foreign, 91. Cleared, 376 American; 83 foreign.

MARYLAND-Imports $4,910,746. Exports $5,768,768, viz. American produce $5,495,020. Foreign, $273,748.Vessels entered 410; tons, 82,140; crews, 3,727; American, 309; foreign, 101. Cleared, 352 American and 109 foreign; Total, 461.

VIRGINIA-Imports $545,085. Exports. $1,769,937 domestic produce; $8,283 foreign. Total, $4,778,220; vessels entered, 136 American; 34 foreign; Total, 170.

Cleared, 223 American; 37 foreign; Total, 260.

SOUTH CAROLINA-Imports $2,058,870. Exports, $9,

amounted to $113,895,634, and foreign exports to $18,190,312. In 1840 the domestic exports exceeded those of 1839, $10,361,743. The exports exceed the imports $24,944,427.981,016 of domestic, and $55,753 foreign, Total, 10,036,

Some of the principal domestic exports in 1840







Cotton goods..



[blocks in formation]



769; vessels entered, 257; tons, 60,645; crews, 2,777.Cleared, 406, viz. American, 322; foreign, 84.

GEORGIA-Imports $491,428. Exports, $6,862,959-all American produce; entered 175 vessels. Cleared, 231. ALABAMA-Imports $574,651. Exports, $12,854,694all domestic; vessels entered, 146 American; 61 foreign; Total, 207. Cleared, 251 American and 57 foreign; Total, 308.

21,841,554 Brit. W. Indies. 2,965,584 LOUISIANA-Imports $10,673,190. Exports, &32,998,2,515,341 059 of domestic and $1,238,877 foreign; Total, $34,236,936 2,506,574-vessels entered, 672 American; 252 foreign; Total, 924. 2,050,940 Cleared, 890 American and 265 foreign; Total, 1,155.

6,093,250 Brazil...
4,198,459 Scotland

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