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To the Editors of the National Intelligencer. WASHINGTON, Sept. 20, 1841.

Gentlemen-Doubts have been attempted to be cast upon the correctness of Mr. Ewing's statement in relation to the part taken by the President in getting up the Fiscal Corporation Bill, by arguing that there was an impropriety in making it which ought to deprive it of credit. There are circumstances in this case distinguishing it from all others that I recollect of the kind. It grows out of a matter of official business, transacted by high public functionaries, and is of public and general concern. The public and open conduct of one of these high functionaries is in direct opposition to what the other had, by his express direction and authority, affirmed as to his intentions and purposes. There can, I humbly submit, be no serious question in such a case upon the point of personal propriety, when the injured party seeks to vindicate his honor by disclosing the truth. The obligations arising out of confidential relations, in private or public affairs, are founded in mutual trust. He that disregards his own confidential pledges and engagements cannot allege the obligation of confidence, in the same transaction, against the natural right of self-defence belonging to the injured party. For anything that can ever be known to the contrary, it may have been the object of the original pledge or engagement to sacrifice those who trusted and were misled by it. For these reasons, I do not hesitate to furnish for publication, the accompanying statement, which contains all the facts and circumstances within my knowledge, that occur to me as being material, connected with the subject of difference. I do this as an act of justice not only to Mr. Ewing, who requested it, but to myself and the public.

I avail myself of this occasion to say that I have, at no time, regarded a difference of opinion between the President and myself in relation to a bank, however important the subject, as sufficient of itself to justify a resignation of the office which I lately held in the Executive Administration of the Government. Nor was it because the President thought proper to trifle with or mislead his Cabinet, as there is but too much reason to believe he intended to do, in the affair of the last Fiscal Bank Bill, that I resigned my place. There were other, and some of them pre-existing causes, for such a course, which many will regard as sufficient of themselves; and which could not have been overlooked. But it was possible to explain or remove them, and therefore they were not promptly acted upon. The last act of the President, however, was conclusive of the true character of all the other occurrences or circumstances which had previously awakened curiosity or excited distrust.

I shall, at my leisure, state the reasons more at large which impelled me to the course I have thought proper to adopt, and at the same time furnish a narrative of all the causes, so far as they fell under my observation, which have resulted in the separation of Mr. Tyler from the party which brought him into power, and the breaking up of the Whig Administration.

I am, respectfully, your obedient servant,
JOHN BELL.

Messrs. GALES & SEATON.

Resignation of the Cabinet-Mr. Bell's Letter. I called to see the President on official business on the morning (Monday, 15th August,) before the first Veto Message was sent in. I found him reading the Message to the Secretary of the Treasury. He did me the honor to read the material passages to me. Upon reading that part of it which treats of the superior importance and value of the business done by the late Bank of the United States in furnishing exchanges between the different States and sections of the Union, I was so strongly impressed with the idea that he meant to intimate that he would have no objection to a bank which should be restricted to dealing in exchanges, that I interrupted him in the reading, and asked if I was to understand, by what he had just read, that he was prepared to give his assent to a bank in the District of Columbia, VOL. V.-28

with offices or agencies in the States, having the privilege, without their assent, to deal in exchanges between them, and in foreign bills. He promptly replied that he thought experience had shown the necessity of such a power in the government. I could not restrain the immediate expression of my gratification upon hearing this avowal. I said to the President at once, that what I had feared would lead to fatal dissensions among our friends, I now regarded as rather fortunate than otherwise, that his veto of the bill then before him would lead to the adoption of a much better one. I also congratulated him upon the happy circumstance of the delay which had taken place in his sending in his Veto Message. The heat and violence which might have been expected if the Veto had been sent in immediately upon the passage of the bill, would now be avoided. Time had been given for cool reflection, and as the Message did not exclude the idea of a bank in some form, no unpleasant consequences would be likely to follow. He expressed his great surprise that there should be so much excitement upon the subject; said that he had had his mind made up on the bill before him from the first, but had delayed his Message that there should be time for the excitement to wear off; that nothing could be more easy than to pass a bill which would answer all necessary purposes; that it could be done in three days. The next day, having occasion to see the President again, he requested me to furnish him with such information as the War Department afforded of the embarrassments attending the transfer and disbursement of the public revenue to distant points on the frontier, in Florida, &c. He at the same time requested me to draw up a brief statement of my views upon the subject, showing the practical advantages and necessity of such a fiscal institution as he had thought of proposing. Such information as I could hastily collect from the heads of the principal disbursing bureaus of the Depart ment I handed to him on the evening of the same day, knowing that time was of the utmost importance in the state in which the question then was. He received the statements I gave him with manifest indifference, and alarmed me by remarking that he began to doubt whether he would give his assent (as I understood him) to any bank.

The next day (Wednesday, 18th August) was the stated time for the weekly meeting of the Cabinet with the Presi dent. Mr. Webster, Mr. Ewing, and myself, went at terr o'clock in the morning, and were informed that the President was engaged with Messrs. Berrien, Sergeant, and I think Mr. Dawson, of Georgia. We waited until they retired, and the President made his appearance about three quarters of an hour afterwards. Mr. Badger came in soon after the President joined us. Messrs. Crittenden and Gran ger did not attend. The conference which ensued was a long one-lasting two hours at least, according to my recollection. I cannot pretend to detail all that was said; neither can I undertake to give the language employed by the President upon every point, nor of the members of the Cabinet: I can only state the substance of what was said upon those points which most attracted my attention.

The President commenced by stating that he had been waited upon that morning by a committee of Members of Congress, who desired to know his views upon the subject of a bank-such a one as he could sanction. He had given them no satisfaction upon that subject, but had informed them that he would first consult with his constitutional advisers-his Cabinet-through whom he thought it most regular that his views should be communicated. He asked the opinion of his Cabinet upon the correctness of the ground he had taken; remarking at the same time that the habit of expressing his views to members of Congress upon subjects of so much interest, subjected him to great embarrassment and much misrepresentation. That question being disposed of, the President adverted briefly, but without much connexion, to the relation in which he stood to the bank question, and his disposition to go as far as he could to comply with the wishes of his friends. He spoke of the relation that existed between him and his Cabinet, and how necessary it was that he should have their support. Would they stand by him? He much preferred that the whole subject should be postponed until the next session; but if it was necessary

to act now, he thought a plan might be devised which, with their co-operation, might be carried through. He wondered why the Senate continued to postpone acting upon his Veto Message, which was yet to be disposed of. He supposed it might be to hold it as a rod over his head; and had some doubts whether it was proper that he should consider further upon the subject until the Senate had decided what they would do with the bill then before them. Some one present assured him that the postponement of the question pending in the Senate was intended to give time for reflection, and to prevent an intemperate debate.

privilege, he apprehended, was conferred upon the late bank from the belief that without it the stock of the bank could not be made profitable; and it was therefore considered as a necessary incident to an institution which was itself but the offspring of an incidental power. Experience, he thought, had shown clearly that such a privilege was no longer important or necessary. By confining the discounting privilege of the proposed bank to bills of exchange between this country and foreign States, and between the several States of the Union, this objection would not lie against it.

The President expressed his regret that he had not used the words “bank of discount and deposit" in his late message, so that the distinction he took might be clearly inferred from that message, and he could not then be charged with inconsistency. Mr. Badger said he thought nothing would have been gained by the use of the terms "bank of discount and deposit" in his message; for, as to the charge of inconsistency, it might, and probably would, be made against him for party effect, if he sanctioned the bill then proposed by him, inasmuch as dealing in or buying bills of exchange would be discounting, and to that extent make it a bank of discount.

When all the material points appeared to be disposed of, and the members of the Cabinet present had expressed their decided approbation of the plan the President had suggested, he said that, after all, he would not sanction a bank in the form just agreed upon, if he supposed that it would be made the groundwork or basis of a bank with all the powers of the late Bank of the United States. He never would give his sanction to the power of local discount. He feared that at the next or succeeding sessions of Congress, the Whigs would be bringing forward amendments engrafting this power upon any charter he might now approve; and he appealed to his Cabinet to know if they would stand by him, and use their influence in preventing any such movements while his Administration lasted. Mr. Webster and others gave him all proper assurances upon this point.

The President thought a capital of fifteen millions of dollars would be sufficient.

A name, he said, was important. What should it be? Fiscal Institute would do. It was objected to, and the name Fiscal Bank preferred by a member of the Cabinet. He replied that there was a great deal in a name, and he did not wish the word bank to appear in the bill.

The President then gave the outline of such a bank or fiscal institution as he thought he could sanction. It was to be in the District of Columbia, to have the privilege of issuing its own notes, receive moneys on deposit, and to deal in bills of exchange between the States, and between the United States and foreign States. But he wished to have the opinion of his Cabinet upon it. His own consistency and reputation must be looked to. He considered his Cabinet his friends, who must stand by and defend whatever he did upon the subject. He appealed particularly to Mr. Webster for his opinion upon the point of consistency; and whether there was not a clear distinction between the old Bank of the United States-a bank of discount and deposit-and the one he now thought of proposing; and whether the constitutional question was not different. He reminded us that, in all his former speeches and reports, he had taken the ground that Congress had no constitutional power to charter a bank which had the power of local discount. Mr. Webster pointed out the distinction between the two plans in a manner which appeared to be satisfactory to him. The substance of what he said was, as I understood him, as follows: He had a decided preference for a bank upon the plan then proposed over either of those which had been previously spoken of. He reminded the President that he had expressed his preference for a bank which should be restricted in its dealings to bills of exchange, when certain gentlemen from the city of New York were present several weeks before. He then thought, as he did now, that it would answer all useful purposes. One ground of his preference was, and it had great weight with him, that the plan did not contemplate the consent of the States as, in any way or at any time, necessary to its existence or efficiency. He thought the plan proposed at the commencement of the session, generally known as Mr. Ewing's bill, was incongruous and ob- The President then inquired if he was understood. He jectionable on this ground. His general course of thinking said there must be no misunderstanding of what he proposed on such subjects led him to prefer that, whatever power this to do. Addressing himself to Mr. Ewing, he asked him if Government asserted or was authorized to assert, should be he thought he understood his views fully. Mr. Ewing unexercised independently of State authority, and of the inter- dertook to recapitulate. He understood the President to ference of the States. He thought there could be no doubt have no objection to a bank in the District of Columbia, with of the constitutional power to charter such a bank as was offices of discount and deposit in the States, with their asthen proposed, according to the President's own modes of sent. The President interrupted him abruptly, by saying thinking on that subject, if he understood them. Certainly he did not understand him at all; he was not willing to sancthere was a clear distinction between such a bank and the tion any such bank. I understood his objection to be to the late Bank of the United States. The one now proposed was power of local discount. I supposed Mr. Ewing intended to to be limited in its operations to such objects as were clearly say that he understood the President had no constitutional within some of the general provisions of the Constitution, objections to such a bank. Mr. Ewing, however, without or such as were clearly necessary in the execution of others. explaining, went on to say, that he now understood the PreThe privilege of issuing its own notes, of dealing in ex-sident to have no objection to a bank in the District of Cochanges, and of receiving moneys on deposit, all appeared to lumbia, with the power to issue its own notes, receive money have immediate reference to or connexion with the power on deposit, with offices or agencies in the States having the given in the Constitution over commerce between the States, privilege, without their assent, of dealing in bills of exchange over the currency, and the necessary fiscal operations of the drawn in one State or Territory and made payable in another Government in the collection, safe-keeping and disburse- State or Territory of the Union, and in bills between the ment of the public revenue. These were all subjects of Na- United States and foreign States or Nations. tional, and not local or State concern. The distinctions between this plan and the late Bank of the United States layed Mr. Webster particularly to communicate with the genin this the privilege enjoyed by the old Bank, of dealing in local paper, or discounting notes having no circulation, as it might be, but between the different streets or commercial points of the same city, had no connexion with the trade or commerce between the States and sections of the Union, nor with the transfer of the public money from one point to another; and it had, therefore, no necessary connexion with any of the great national objects for which the bank was chartered; nor could it be claimed as an incident to any of the powers given to Congress by the Constitution. That

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The President said he was then understood. He request

tlemen who had waited upon him that morning and to let them know the conclusions to which they had come. He also requested Mr. Ewing to aid in getting the subject properly before Congress. He requested that they would take care not to commit him by what they said to members of Congress to any intention to dictate to Congress. They might express their confidence and belief that such a bill as had just been agreed upon would receive his sanction; but it should be as matter of inference from his Veto Message and his general views. He thought he might request that

the measure should be put into the hands of some friend of his own upon whom he could rely. Mr. Sergeant was named, and he expressed himself satisfied that he should have charge of it. He also expressed a wish to see the bill before it was presented to the House, if it could be so managed.

up to the passage of the law; that is to say, up to the 16th instant, just as they would have been paid, had the act never been passed.

I am, respectfully, your obedient servant,

GEO. E. BADGER.

I then said, addressing myself to Messrs. Webster and J. L. EDWARDS, Esq., Commissioner of Pensions. Ewing, that no time was to be lost in communicating with gentlemen of Congress; that there was danger that Mr. Ewing's bill would be taken up and reported to the House immediately after the bill sent back to the Senate with the President's objections was disposed of.

As the members of the Cabinet rose to depart, or just before, the President requested Messrs. Webster and Ewing, as they had turned their attention more particularly to the subject, to furnish him with written arguments upon the points they had been discussing. He wanted them to fortify his own opinion, and to lay up for future reference. JOHN BELL.

WASHINGTON, September 20, 1841.

Navy Pensions.

The Army and Navy Chronicle states that the second section of an act, passed at the late session of Congress, "to provide for the payment of navy pensions," make a material alteration in the naval pension system. The section being susceptible of different interpretations, it was referred to the Secretary of the Navy, for his decision, which was given on the 20th of August. As it is a question of much interest to all in the navy, we have procured a copy of Mr. Badger's decision for publication.

An officer on duty can hereafter receive no pension money; and when off duty can receive only so much as will make his whole income from the United States equivalent to the lowest rate of duty pay.

NAVY DEPARTMENT, August 20, 1841.

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The phrase" in service seems to have been used instead of, and as equivalent to, "on duty;" for in any other sense the whole section becomes unmeaning, as every officer, while he continues to belong to the navy, is in the service, though he may not be on duty. Giving this sense to the phrase, I am of opinion,

First, That no officer can receive, at the same time, pay as an officer on duty, and as a pensioner; and

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Secondly, The officers who may be "waiting orders," or on leave," or "furlough," can receive only so much on account of their pensions as, added to their pay when so" on leave," &c., will amount to the pay of their grade when "on duty."

When, by the act of Congress of 1835, regulating the pay of the navy, officers are entitled to a higher rate of compensation when employed in a certain specified manner than when engaged in other duty, the rate of compensation of the latter is that which is referred to in this act, and is not to be exceeded by the aggregate of the pension and the pay while "waiting orders," &c. For instance:

A commander is entitled when attached to vessels for sea service, to $2,500 per annum, and on other duty, to $2,100. I am of opinion that such commander, when off duty, cannot receive more, including his pension, than $2,100 per annum; and so of every other grade.

The case of seamen and marines seems to present peculiar difficulties, and I regret the hard consequences to them of the decision I have been compelled to form. They cannot, when in service, receive more than their pay, because there is no discrimination by law between their compensation when on duty and when unemployed. Hence it seems to follow that no seaman or marine, while in service and receiving pay, can receive any payment at all on account of a pension.

I am of opinion that all pensioners are entitled to be paid

[Baltimore American.

Treasury Notes.

Treasury Department,

the acts of Congress of 1837, 1838, 1839, 1840, Amount of Treasury Notes issued under the provisions of

Redeemed of those issues

$26,681,337 50 24,962,925 61

Leaving outstanding the sum of........ $1,778,411 89 Issued under the act of Feb. 1841, viz. Prior to March 4 Since March 4....

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$673,681 32 ..5,273,251 58

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We notice by our exchange papers in various parts of the State, that the recent severe rains on the seaboard extended with equal or greater force into the up country. At Columbus, we learn from the Enquirer, that the heavy fall of rain caused a sudden rise in the water courses in that vicinity, and several bridges and mill-dams were swept away.

At Forsyth, according to the Bantling, it rained from Wednesday night to Thursday afternoon, without a moment's intermission. All the water courses, as far as heard from, were swollen to an unusual height, and nearly all the bridges carried away.

At Washington, (Wilkes county,) the News says, the storm was more violent than ever experienced in that section. Great damage has been done to property on the streams, which rose two or three feet higher than was ever known before. Bridges were carried away in every direc tion, and scarcely a mill in the county is left uninjured. Great injury has also resulted to the crops. The fields upon the streams have been swept of whatever grew upon them, and the cotton which was open has everywhere been so much injured as to be worthless.

From the Macon Messenger we learn that the water rose in the Ocmulgee, within about 18 inches as high as it did at the great freshet in March last. Several bridges on the large creeks are carried off, and much fencing washed away. Much damage was done to the corn and cotton on the river lands, and in some cases, individuals have lost almost their entire crops.

Add to these, the accounts we have already published of the freshet in the Savannah river and at the south, and some idea may be formed of the extent of the damage done to the crops, &c.

We are happy to perceive that none of the railroads have sustained any damage, if we except the Georgia road, which was slightly injured, causing a serious accident, by which one of the passengers was killed and considerable damage done to the locomotives.

The present makes three freshets which have occurred in our rivers within sixteen months-all of them severe and doing an immense amount of damage.

Since the quarter of the Moon on the 21st instant, the wind here has been steady from south-west to north-west, with clear sky and pure atmosphere, and rather cool. Most excellent weather for the maturing and gathering of cotton, and rice, and which will in some sort compensate for the storms of the two weeks previous.—Savannah Rep.

Steam Navigation of the Mediterranean. The reader will find some interesting facts and observations in the communication which we publish this morning, on steam navigation in the Mediterranean, from the pen of an observant and intelligent officer of the Navy,

[Baltimore American.

There is no subject that an American can contemplate with more pleasure, than the application of steam to navigation with its almost immediate introduction upon our extensive bays, rivers and lakes, and to its influence must be attributed in a great degree the matchless growth of our country, the rapid development of its inexhaustible resources, and which has planted villages, town and cities in the midst of forests and prairies.

With an indescribable superiority on the part of our rivers and bay steamers, it is much to be regretted, that in the construction of steamers, for the navigation of the ocean, we are as far behind other nations, as we are in advance of them in the class of vessels just spoken off.

The arrival in our waters of the magnificent steam ships which have for three years traversed the broad Atlantic through every season of storm and tempest, affords ample testimony of the perfection and strength attained by ships and machinery constructed in Europe, whereas the steamers heretofore built in this country, for sea service, have, until very recently, been entire failures. Many years spent at sea had strongly prejudiced us in favor of ships propelled by sails, but a passage across the Atlantic in the Great Western fully convinced us of the security and superiority of these vessels over all others, and the long lines of steam ships (not boats) which we found in every port of importance in Great Britain and the Continent, afforded abundant proof of their universal introduction and superiority.

The arrival and departure of these occan steamers, is more regular than those upon our western waters, notwithstanding the violence of the tides and tempests, and the dangerous navigation of the coast of Europe, and they at this time monopolize the mails, the travel, and much of the commerce of these seas.

It is however upon the Steam Navigation of the Mediterranean, and the importance of steam ships of war, that we feel desirous to communicate a few facts which have recently come under our own observation, in the hope, that they may fall into the hands of those, who are able to turn them to advantage as a means of defence to our country and to our commerce, both at home and abroad.

The first steamers passed upon the waters of the Mediterranean in 1832, and were then only experimental. In 1834 they first coasted down the coast of Italy and Greece, and so well were they found to answer in the navigation of those seas, whether in the calms of summer, or in the dreadful gales of winter, which prevail in the Gulf of Lyons, the Adriatic and the Archipelago-that every nation upon its northern shores, and even the semi-civilized native Governments of Turkey and Egypt, rushed to the contest, to see which should be the first to avail themselves of this invaluable discovery, and traverse at all times, seas with safety, which were at all times hazardous and during the winter months, frequently impassable.

The result has been such as might have been anticipated; Spain, France, the States of Italy, Austria, Greece, Turkey and Egypt, all have their steamers which traverse this extensive sea with a rapidity and safety heretofore unknown. This bold and energetic commencement has not been carried beyond the wants of travel or trade; on the contrary, it is still far behind the actual wants of the people, and such has been the increase of travel, by the abolition of early prejudice, that there can be no estimate where it will stop.

The steam navigation of the Mediterranean so far has been remarkably successful-no vessel has burst a boiler, or has been lost by fire, striking facts in proof of their excellent management.

over-land route of Solomon via Bairout, Damascus and Palmyra, or the city of the Desert, is again re-established. Col. the backs of camels; and England is about to reap the adChesney has transported four steamers to the Euphrates on vantage of the restoration of Syria to the Sultan in being brought 400 miles nearer to her vast India possessions. So near as we could ascertain by careful inquiries the French have 35, the Austrians 22, Sardinia 18, Naples 7, Tuscany 5, Spain 9, Greece 4, Turkey 18, Egypt 5, Russia on the Black Sea 10, with an average of 16 belonging to Great Britain; making a grand total of 149 steam ships, navigating the sea with security and regularity at all seasons of the year.

These ships are all commanded by Naval Officers and are all under the immediate direction of their respective governments; although much of the stock belongs to individuals, they are steam ships and not steam bouts as with us, they have the hulls and models of good, seaworthy, weatherly vessels, and are rigged with courses and topsails. Mr. Roades, the celebrated American naval architect has built one steamer for the Sultan, the Tahri Bahri and she has much the model of our beautiful North River boats, but unfortunately, as a sea boat, she does not answer, in a calm she is uneasy, and in a sea she is unsafe; we saw her last autumn in the harbor of Smyrna, with Col. Hodges the English Consul at Alexandria, on board, who was carrying the colors of Ibraham Pascha to the Sultan, with 125 officers prisoners of war; and for this service she was selected in consequence of her speed; yet she was said by all to be unsafe in bad weather, and that she would be laid up for the winter.

These lines of steamers visit every port of importance in the Mediterranean, leaving Marseilles, Genoa, Leghorn, Naples, Trieste, Athens, Constantinople, Smyrna and Algiers weekly, and Gibraltar, Malta, Alexandria and Syria semimonthly and carry three classes of passengers, viz., after cabin, forward cabin and deck passengers-the steward furnishes meals from a carte, served in a most excellent manner, agreeable to the palate or purse of the traveller, a practice, if adopted, that would contribute much to the comforts and pleasures of travelling in our own country.

Regular lines of steamers ply throughout the year on the Black Sea to the mouths of the Danube, which commands the trade of Austria and Hungary; to Odessa, where an active commerce with the interior of Russia is carried on, and to Trebizon through which port the trade of Georgia, Circassia and the Circassian countries passes. Upon the introduction of steamers in these seas the prejudices to them was very great, and the Turks who bring their wives and harems or board, still bring them in sacks, with a small aperture to breath through, but their faces are carefully concealed. We were informed by Capt. Ford, the most experienced navigator of the Black Sea, that the winter is more terrific than in the North Sea.

We have heretofore only spoken of steamers for convenience of travel, and their safety at sea during the most inclement weather, and in the most boisterous seas; we will now examine into the services they have rendered as ships of war, and their probable capability of proving serviceable as means of National defence; a subject of vital importance at this time in consequence of our delicate position with the most formidable of all maritime powers.

At the time of the French Expedition against Algiers in 1830, the greatest maritime expedition of this age, steamers were not yet introduced, but since 1835 all the troops, stores and munitions of war have been transported to that Colony by means of steamers; and during the last summer, at a period of sickness and scarcity, the Colony would probably have been annihilated by that indomitable chief, Abd-elKader, had it not been for the timely assistance afforded by steamers.

Last summer the port of Naples was placed under blockade by a British Fleet, and reprisals were made for two days The British line of steamers consists of the best class of only; during which time, a single steamer, captured 24 Neavessels, and is connected by lines from Lisbon, Gibraltar, politan vessels; and the difficulties so far arranged, that a Malta and Syria, with their India possessions. The route sanguinary war was doubtless prevented. We were informvia the Red Sea is about being abandoned, and the anciented by an eye witness of the blockade, that these 24 vessels

were captured without the firing of a single gun, and in the language of our informant the steamer ran about the bay picking up her prizes as a hen picking up corn. It is needless to say how much chasing and forcing it would have cost to capture the same vessels under sail, and the probable loss of human life.

The Blockade of the coast of Syria by the allied powers, and the almost simultaneous capture of Bairout, Saide, Tripoli and St. Jean de Acre, in the very face of the Army of İbraham Pacha, with his subsequent defeat, and the demonstrations upon Alexandria itself, at a season of the year when in the words of Mohammed Ali "he would at least be safe until spring," exhibits in bold relief, the vast superiority of this new mode of war over all others. That old and veteran sailor, Admiral Stopford, says in his report to the admiralty "that his success was owing to the efficiency of his steamers."

His squadron consisted of 7 ships of the line, 2 three deckers and 14 steamers; large bodies of troops were landed at the very time and place that their services were required -the heavy ships were moved against wind and tide, and these strongly fortified posts were captured before the world was aware that war had been declared. During the winter the fleet kept in port, while the steamers, keeping the sea, were able in a few hours to convey intelligence to any point that might be desired.

The day previous to the attack upon Bairout, the Stromboli steam frigate, arrived in 15 days from Portsmouth and landed 450 men, who on the 14th day from the dock yards of Great Britain, were engaged in battle in Asia Minor, 2000 miles from home, without being reduced by sickness or the privations incident to a long voyage. These important facts should be remembered by us; immediate steps should be taken to prevent similar attacks, and measures taken "by which we would be enabled to carry the war into the heart of the enemies country," by the same means.

Separated, as we are, from all other powers with whom we may be brought into collision by an immense sea, our most effectual defence must be upon the water, and our strength must be applied through the agency of steam. Its introduction has exterminated every vestige of piracy in the Archipelago, and will doubtless do so in every part of the world, and the present war in China appears to be conducted by its agency.

Two steam frigates, one to cruize among the Islands of the West Indies, and the other in the Gulf of Mexico, would effectually protect those entire seas, and one large steam frigate in the Mediterranean would display our flag in more ports, would afford greater protection to our citizens and to our commerce, than any three vessels that we could send there. A line of battle ship will seldom visit more than six ports during a summer's cruise, and during all the winter she is laid up in port; a steamer will be able to visit as many ports within a month, and will pass from port to port through

out the year.

Experience teaches us that these steamers can be built better in private dock yards than in our Navy Yards, and the port of Baltimore, so justly celebrated for its excellent models of marine architecture, could doubtless furnish many vessels that would add to her reputation; and we sincerely trust that our National Legislature and those at the head of the Navy Department, will, without delay, adopt such measure as will secure to our country:

1st. Serviceable and seaworthy steam ships and frigates. 2d. That they be employed as cruisers upon our coast and all our naval stations.

Death of Governor Cannon.

F.

Our distinguished fellow-citizen and friend, NEWTON CANNON, is no more! His earthly existence was terminated by the fell disease with which he was suddenly attacked on the 8th instant, at seven o'clock last evening.

Gov. Cannon was about 60 years of age, and a native of North Carolina. He emigrated to this State at an early period, and settled in Williamson county, where he resided until he was elected Governor, when he removed to Nashville.

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At the commencement of the late war-feeling the ardor of patriotism which burned in the hearts of his western brethren-he raised a volunteer regiment, and in 1813 entered the Creek War, where he participated in the battles of Tallashatchie and Talladega. After the war was over he represented the district in which he lived in Congress, for a number of years, and in 1835, was elected Governor of Tennessee. In all the stations in which he has been placed, as a private citizen upon his farm, a soldier, a member of Congress, and Governor of Tennessee-Governor Cannon has shown himself the man of worth and honorand was emphatically in all situations, " An honest man." The death of Gov. C. was announced this morning in the United States Court and in the Circuit Court of the State, both now sitting in this city; in the former by R. J. Meigs, Esq. and in the latter by Thomas Washington, Esq. both pronouncing brief eulogiums on the virtues of the deceased, and an adjournment was ordered for the day in testimony of their high respect.

His mortal remains were conveyed this morning to his late country residence in Williamson county, where the interment will take place. [Republican Banner of Sept. 17.

To the Hon. S. R. Hobbie, Acting Postmaster General. Sir-Information having been received in a form entitled to attention, that the Postmaster at ——, Pennsylvania, and Ohio, have so far violated the obligations which they impliedly assumed on taking office under my Administration, of abstaining from any active partisanship, or in any way connecting their offices with party politics, or using them for party purposes, I have to request that inquiries shall be instantly instituted into their conduct, and that if the charges against them be found to be true, they be immediately turned out of office, and citizens appointed in their places who will otherwise conduct themselves. The Post-Office Department, in all its operations, should be conducted for the single purpose of accomplishing the important objects for which it was established. It should in an especial manner, so far as is practicable, be disconnected from party politics. It was established for specified purposes of equal importance to every citizen. To convert it into an engine of party, to be used for party purposes, is to make it the fruitful source of the most alarming evils. Ramified as it is, and extended to every neighborhood, the purity of its administration, and necessarily of its agents, should be particularly guarded. For a Deputy Postmaster to use his franking privilege (a privilege bestowed upon him for the sole purpose of exonerating him from oppressive charges in the necessary correspondence of his office) in scattering over fluence elections, is to outrage all propriety, and must not the country pamphlets, newspapers, and proceedings to infor a day be tolerated. Let this be left to the politicians. I should be happy if one or two examples shall be found sufficient to correct an evil which has so extensively prevailed.

I will take this occasion, also, to add for your instruction, that the appointment to, and continuance in the office of postmaster of any one editing a political newspaper is in the highest degree objectionable. It involves most of the consequences above stated-introduces politics into the post-office-diminishes the revenue-and confers privileges on one editor which all cannot enjoy. In a word, it is my fixed purpose, as far as in me lies, to separate the Post-Office Department from politics, and bring about that reform which the country has so loudly demanded.

WASHINGTON, September 28, 1841.

JOHN TYLER.

Albany and Schenectady Stages. Sixteen hundred and ninety-eight passengers were carried over between this city and Schenectady, by the Stages during the first seven days after they commenced operations! This is not a bad beginning. An average loss to the Railroad of 242 passengers daily, will make a sad deficit in their dividends.-Albany Evening Journal.

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