Far from limiting my charity and confidence to men of my own denomination in religion, I suppose, and I believe, Sir, that there are worthy characters among men of every denomination—among the Quakers, the Baptists, the Church of England, the Papists, and even among those who have no other guide in the way to virtue and heaven, than the dictates of natural religion.

I must therefore think, Sir, that the proposed plan of government, in this particular, is wisely constructed: that as all have an equal claim to the blessings of the government under which they live, and which they support, so none should be excluded from them for being of any particular denomination in religion.

The presumption is, that the eyes of the people will be upon the faithful in the land, and, from a regard to their own safety, they will choose for their rulers men of known abilities-of known probity-of good moral characters. The apostle Peter tells us, that God is no respecter of persons, but in every nation he that feareth him and worketh righteousness, is acceptable to him. And I know of no reason, why men of such a character, in a community, of whatever denomination in religion, cæteris paribus, with other suitable qualifications, should not be acceptable to the people, and why they may not be employed by them with safety and advantage in the important offices of government. The exclusion of a religious test in the proposed Constitution, therefore, clearly appears to me, Sir, to be in favor of its adoption.

Col. JONES (of Bristol) thought, that the rulers ought to believe in God or Christ; and that, however a test may be prostituted in England, yet he thought if our public men were to be of those who had a good standing in the church, it would be happy for the United States; and that a person could not be a good man without being a good Christian.

The conversation on the Constitution by paragraphs being ended,

Mr. PARSONS moved, that this Convention do assent to and ratify this Constitution.

Mr. NEAL rose and said, that as the Constitution at large was now under consideration, he would just remark, that the article

which respected the Africans was the one which lay on his mind; and unless his objections to that were removed, it must, how much soever he liked the other parts of the Constitution, be a sufficient reason for him to give his negative to it.

Col. JONES said, that one of his principal objections was, the omission of a religious test.

Rev. Mr. PAYSON. Mr. President: After what has been observed relative to a religious test by gentlemen of acknowledged abilities, I did not expect it would again be mentioned, as an objection to the proposed Constitution, that such a test was not required as a qualification for office. Such were the abilities and integrity of the gentlemen who constructed the Constitution, as not to admit of the presumption that they would have betrayed so much vanity as to attempt to erect bulwarks and barriers to the throne of God. Relying on the candor of this Convention, I shall take the liberty to express my sentiments on the nature of a religious test, and shall endeavor to do it in such propositions as will meet the approbation of every mind.

The great object of religion being God supreme, and the seat of religion in man being the heart or conscience, i. e. the reason God has given us, employed on our moral actions, in their most important consequences, as related to the tribunal of God, hence I infer, that God alone is the God of the conscience, and consequently, attempts to erect human tribunals for the consciences of men, are impious encroachments upon the prerogatives of God. Upon these principles, had there been a religious test, as a qualification for office, it would, in my opinion, have been a great blemish to the instrument.

Gen. HEATH. Mr. President: After a long and painful investigation of the Federal Constitution, by paragraphs, this honorable Convention are drawing nigh to the ultimate question: a question as momentous as ever invited the attention of man. We are soon to decide on a system of government, digested, not for the people of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts only; not for the present people of the United States only; but, in addition to these, for all those States which may hereafter rise into existence within the jurisdiction of the United States, and for millions of people yet unborn: a system of government, not for

a nation of slaves, but for a people as free and as virtuous as any on earth; not for a conquered nation, subdued to our will, but for a people who have fought, who have bled, and who have conquered; who, under the smiles of heaven, have established their independence and sovereignty, and have taken equal rank among the nations of the earth. In short, Sir, it is a system of government for ourselves, and for our children, for all that is near and dear to us in life; and on the decision of the question is suspended our political prosperity or infelicity, perhaps our existence as a nation. What can be more solemn ? What can be more interesting? Every thing depends on our union. I know that some have supposed that although the Union should be broken, particular States may retain their importance; but this cannot be. The strongest nerved State, even the right arm, if separated from the body, must wither. If the great Union be broken, our country, as a nation, perishes; and if our country so perishes, it will be as impossible to save a particular State, as to preserve one of the fingers of a mortified hand.

By one of the paragraphs of the system, it is declared that the ratification of the Conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for the establishment of the Constitution between the States so ratifying the same; but, Sir, how happy will it be, if not only nine, but even all the States should ratify it! It will be a happy circumstance, if only a small majority of this Convention should ratify the Federal system; but how much more happy if we could be unanimous! It will be a happy circumstance if a majority of the people of this Commonwealth should be in favor of the Federal system; but how much more so, if they should be unanimous! and if there are any means whereby they may be united, every exertion should be made to effect it. I presume, Sir, that there is not a single gentleman within these walls, who does not wish for a Federal government-for an efficient Federal government; and that this government should be possessed of every power necessary to enable it to shed on the people the benign influences of a good government. But I have observed from the first, that many gentlemen appear opposed to the system, and this I apprehend arises from their objections to some particular parts of it. Is there not a way in which their minds may be relieved from embarrassment? I

think there is; and if there is, no exertions should be spared in endeavoring to do it.

If we should ratify the Constitution, and instruct our first members to Congress to exert their utmost endeavors to have such checks and guards provided as appears to be necessary in some of the paragraphs of the Constitution, and communicate what we may judge proper to our sister States, and request their concurrence, is there not the highest probability that every thing which we wish may be effectually secured? I think there is; and I cannot but flatter myself that in this way, the gentlemen of the Convention will have the difficulties under which they now labor, removed from their minds; we shall be united. The people of this Commonwealth, and of our sister States, may be united. Permit me, therefore, most earnestly to recommend it to the serious consideration of every gentleman in the honorable Convention.

After Gen. Heath sat down, his Excellency the PRESIDENT rose and observed, that he was conscious of the impropriety, situated as he was, of his entering into the deliberations of the Convention; that, unfortunately, through painful indisposition of body, he had been prevented from giving his attendance in his place; but, from the information he had received, and from the papers, there appeared to him to be a great dissimilarity of sentiments in the Convention. To remove the objections of some gentlemen, he felt himself induced, he said, to hazard a proposition for their consideration; which, with the permission of the Convention, he would offer in the afternoon.

AFTERNOON.

When the Convention met in the afternoon,

His Excellency the PRESIDENT observed, that a motion had been made and seconded, that this Convention do assent to, and ratify, the Constitution which had been under consideration; and that he had in the former part of the day intimated his intention of submitting a proposition to the consideration of the Convention. My motive, says he, arises from my earnest desire to this Convention, my fellow-citizens, and the public at large, that this Convention may adopt such a form of govern

ment as may extend its good influences to every part of the United States, and advance the prosperity of the whole world. His situation, his Excellency said, had not permitted him to enter into the debates of this Convention: it however appeared to him necessary, from what had been advanced in them, to adopt the form of government proposed; but, observing a diversity of sentiment in the gentlemen of the Convention, he had frequently had conversation with them on the subject; and from this conversation, he was induced to propose to them, whether the introduction of some general amendments would not be attended with the happiest consequences. For that purpose he should, with the leave of the honorable Convention, submit to their consideration a proposition, in order to remove the doubts, and quiet the apprehensions of gentlemen; and if in any degree the object should be acquired, he should feel himself perfectly satisfied. He should, therefore, submit them; for he was, he said, unable to go more largely into the subject, if his abilities would permit him; relying on the candor of the Convention to bear him witness that his wishes for a good Constitution were sincere. [His Excellency then read his proposition.] This, gentlemen, concluded his Excellency, is the proposition which I had to make; and I submit it to your consideration, with the sincere wish that it may have a tendency to promote a spirit of union.

[The proposition submitted by his Excellency was committed to a large committee, who reported some amendments.]

Hon. Mr. ADAMS. Mr. President: I feel myself happy in contemplating the idea that many benefits will result from your Excellency's conciliatory proposition, to this Commonwealth and to the United States; and I think it ought to precede the motion made by the gentleman from Newburyport, and to be at this time considered by the Convention. I have said, that I have had my doubts of this Constitution. I could not digest every part of it, as readily as some gentlemen; but this, Sir, is my misfortune, not my fault. Other gentlemen have had their doubts, but in my opinion, the proposition submitted, will have a tendency to remove such doubts and to

19 [See Journal, page 79.]