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XL.

1838.

if his dethronement was determined on, these measures CHAP.
would be amply sufficient to accomplish the object in
view.* But more accurate information soon convinced
the Government that these expectations were fallacious, and
that if Shah Soojah was really to be restored, it could
only be by a British military force capable in reality, and
not in name merely, of effecting the entire conquest of
Affghanistan. Although, therefore, the assurances were
still held out that Shah Soojah should enter Affghanistan
surrounded only by his own troops, and relying for his
restoration on the loyalty of his subjects, yet, in reality, 1 Kaye, i.
preparations were made for an expedition of a very differ- 340-343;
ent description, and for extending British influence and vi. 140-156;
authority far beyond the Punjaub and the Indus, to the 435.
distant snows of the Hindoo Coosh.1 +

Thornton,

Martin,

57.

The force provided for the Affghanistan expedition, when it was finally decided on, was extremely formidable, The forces. and much more than sufficient, if it had not been for the

*“As for Shah Soojah personally, the British Government have only to send him to Peshawur with an agent, and two of its own regiments as an honorary escort, and an avowal to the Affghans that we have taken up his cause, to insure his being fixed for ever on the throne. The Maharajah's opinion has only therefore to be asked on the ex-king's advance to Peshawur, granting him at the same time four or five of the regiments which have no Sikhs in their ranks, and Soojah becomes king."-CAPTAIN BURNES to GOVERNOR-GENERAL, July 3, 1838. KAYE, i. 342.

"His majesty, Shah Soojah, will enter Affghanistan surrounded by his own troops, and will be supported against foreign interference and factious opposition by a British army. The Governor-general confidently hopes that the Shah will be speedily replaced on his throne by his own subjects and adherents; and when once he shall be secured in power, and the independence and integrity of Affghanistan established, the British army will be withdrawn. The Governor-general has been led to these measures by the duty which is imposed upon him of providing for the security of the possessions of the British crown; but he rejoices that in the discharge of that duty he will be enabled to assist in restoring the union and prosperity of the Affghan people. Throughout the approaching operations, British influence will be sedulously employed to further every measure of general benefit, to reconcile differences, to secure oblivion of injuries, and to put an end to the distractions by which, for so many years, the welfare and happiness of the Affghans have been impaired. Even to the chiefs whose hostile proceedings have given just cause of offence to the British Government, it will seek to secure liberal and honourable treatment on their tendering early submission, and ceasing from opposition to that course of measures which may be judged most suitable for the general advantage of their country."-Proclamation, Oct. 1, 1838. KAYE, i. 359,

1

XL.

1838.

CHAP. difficulties of the country, for the entire and lasting subjugation of Affghanistan. The chief force destined for the expedition was styled the "Army of the Indus," after the style of Napoleon's bulletins, and by the end of November it was all assembled in the neighbourhood of Ferozepore. It consisted at first of a very large force, chiefly drawn from Bengal, consisting of 28,000 men, which assembled in the neighbourhood of the Sikh forces, and exhibited a stupendous proof of the power and resources of the British forces in India; for the troops were assembled at the foot of the Himalaya, a thousand miles from Calcutta, and they were attended by nearly 100,000 camp-followers, and 30,000 beasts of burden. Only four European regiments, however, were in this great force, viz. the 13th and Buffs, and 16th Lancers, and the Bengal European regiment. But before the review had ceased, or active operations could be commenced, intelligence arrived of the raising of the siege of Herat, and the retreat of the Persian army less preparation was now deemed necessary, and a part only of the assembled force received orders to move forward. It consisted of three brigades of infantry, two of cavalry, and a considerable number both of siege, horse, and field guns, amounting to 9500 men of all arms; while 6000 more, raised for the immediate service of Shah Soojah, accompanied that prince in his entry into his long lost dominions. Sir Henry Fane, an officer of tried energy and ability, in whom the Bengal army had unbounded confidence, at first had the command-in-chief. But before the march from Ferozepore began, he surrendered the post he held, partly from ill health, partly from thinking there was nothing more to do, into the vi. 158-163; hands of Sir John Keane, also a veteran of Peninsular 435; Nott's fame, but not of the same suavity of temper, nor, equally 107-110. with his predecessor, known to the troops he was destined to command.1

1 Kaye, i. 377-379;

Thornton,

Martin,

Memoirs, i.

Before the army commenced its march, a series of magnificent spectacles, eminently characteristic of Eastern

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1838.

58.

displays in

Nov. 29,

manners and habits, took place on occasion of the meeting CHAP. of the Governor-general at Ferozepore with the aged chief of Lahore, not inaptly styled "the Lion of the Punjaub." On one day the British force was manoeuvred by Sir Magnificent Henry Fane, to the infinite amazement of the Asiatics; the Panon the next the Sikhs were exercised in presence of the jab. English officers by their chiefs, and made a most credit- 1838. able appearance. The meeting of the Governor-general with the Lahore chief, in a place selected for the purpose, about four miles from the river Gharra, presented an unrivalled scene of magnificence and splendour. A noble guard of honour lined the way, as, amidst the roar of artillery and the clang of military music, Runjeet Singh came forth in the centre of a line of elephants to the Governorgeneral's tent, who advanced to meet him. So great was the throng, so violent the press, when these two great potentates met, that many of the attendant Sikhs believed there was a design to destroy their chief, "and began to blow their matches and grasp their weapons with a mingled air of distrust and ferocity." Soon, however, a passage was made, and the little decrepit old man was seen tottering into the tent, supported on the one side by the Governor-general, on the other by Sir Henry Fane, whose fine figure strangely contrasted with the bent and worn-out form of the Eastern chieftain. Next day the Maharajah received Lord Auckland in his tent, who returned his visit. The magnificence of the scene then exceeded that of the preceding day, and the Sikhs fairly outdid the British in Oriental splendour. The brilliant costumes of the Sikh sirdars, the gorgeous trappings of their horses, the glittering 373-375; steel casques, and corslets of chain armour, the scarlet-and- Narrative, yellow dresses, the tents of crimson and gold, the long lines 6; Fane's of elephants, and still longer squadrons of cavalry, formed in India, 74, an unrivalled spectacle of Eastern magnificence.' But queler's different emotions arose, and every British heart beat with of Affghanistan, 104emotion, when, in that distant land, the well-known notes 107. of the national anthem arose from a Sikh band, and the

1 Kaye, i.

Havelock's

Five Years

75; Stoc

Memorials

CHAP. guns

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1838.

59.

ment of the

Dec. 2.

of the Kalsa thundered forth salute to the representative of Queen Victoria.

It was not, however, only in these scenes of splendour Commence- that the Affghanistan army was to be engaged. Could march. the future have been foreseen, the arid march, the muffled drum, the wasted host, would have arisen in mournful solemnity before the dazzled vision. Little anticipating the catastrophe which awaited them, the British officers returned gaily to their tents, charmed with the present, _careless of the future. Like the French officers setting out on the Moscow campaign, they were in the highest spirits, anticipating only a military promenade of six months, to be followed by a speedy return to their quarters at Calcutta or Bombay, and regretting only that the raising of the siege of Herat had deprived them of the laurels won in Russian warfare, with which they hoped to adorn their brows. The march of the principal army under Sir John Keane began on the 2d December, and it was determined that its route should be through Scinde, in a north-westerly direction, to cross the Indus at Bukhur. From thence it was to move by Shikarpoor and Dadur to the mouth of the Bolan Pass, and after surmounting that arduous ascent, it was to move by Quettah to Candahar, and thence by Ghuznee to Cabul. This was a strangely devious course, for the army was to move over two sides of a triangle instead of the third; but the object of taking this circuitous route was to coerce and overawe the Ameers of Scinde, whose hostility was apprehended on good grounds, and who occupied an important military -position, commanding the communications of the army. 378-381; The army headed by Prince Timour was to proceed by vi. 156-161. the direct route through the Khyber Pass, the tribes guarding which were to be propitiated by British gold.1

1 Kaye, i.

Thornton,

The army of Shah Soojah headed the line of march, in order to keep up the appearance of the movement being a national one, and not supported by foreign bayoBut a difficulty occurred at the very outset of their

nets.

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1838.

60.

culties of

Scinde.

career. By the existing treaty with the Ameers of Scinde, CHAP. it was stipulated that the navigation of the Indus should be opened, but only to merchant vessels, the passage of vessels of war or military stores being expressly prohi- Early diffibited. That great stream, however, had now become the march the principal line of communication for the British through army, which at all hazards required to be kept open, and rendered available for military stores of every description. The treaty was therefore openly set at nought, and it was intimated to the Ameers that military stores of every kind must pass through their territory. Shah Soojah also made large demands of money from these unhappy chiefs, under the name of arrears of tribute, which amounted at first to £250,000, and were only at last compromised for £100,000. Remonstrance or complaint on the part of the native powers was alike stopped by the sabre and the bayonet.' The Ameers were openly told that 38. "they might as well hope to dam up the Indus at Bukhur, as to stop the approach of the British army;" and that the day when they "connected themselves with any other power than the British, would be the last of their independence, if not their rule." Hyderabad, their capital city, which had threatened resistance to this fearful inroad of armed men, was forced to purchase abstinence from pillage by payment of £100,000. Thus, in breach of treaties and open violence, commenced this ill-starred 380-385; expedition, destined to bring a terrible retribution on the vi. 162-165; rulers who had originated, and the nation which had per- 435. mitted it.2

1 Kaye, i.

2 Kaye, i.

Thornton,

Martin,

the Indus,

Bolan Pass.

The Shah's army, forming the advanced guard, reached 61. the banks of the Indus on the 16th January, having sus- Passage of tained little loss except in camels, great numbers of which and march perished from fatigue and change of forage. Desertion through the had, however, already become frequent in the Shah's ranks, the hardships of that wearisome march inspiring the most dismal apprehensions in the feeble inhabitants of Hindostan. Their forebodings proved too well founded.

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