opposite (Lord Castlereagh) was with one administration, because it approved the measure, and with another, because it disapproved it. Thus the noble lord happily contrives never to be out of office. Whether the question be agitated or not, he is sure to continue in place. But with regard to the pledge so much talked of, he never had much attended to it, having opposed the union, thinking as he did, it must prove ruinous to both countries. He, however, recollected certain letters, one of which was from Lord Cornwallis; another from the noble lord who represented the sentiments of the cabinet on that subject. When Mr. Pitt went out of office, these letters were shewn to the catholics, in which Mr. Pitt, Lord Melville, the Right Hon. Secretary (Mr. Canning), held out a determination never to accept of office again, unless the concession of the catholic claims could be securely stipulated. These letters they printed, published, circulated; nor have they ever since been contradicted, yet how have they redeemed their pledge? But circumstances have not altered since the discussion of 1805, omitting the great change of circumstances that has since taken place on the continent, has not a most material change been effected in the opinions of the catholics.

The great charge against them then was, that their clergy were appointed by the Pope, and that by means of that appointment, principles hostile to Great Britain, and favourable to France, were inculcated in the minds of the catholics. What has since, however, happened. Instead of leaving that appointment to the Pope, have not the catholic clergy offered to leave the nomination of their bishops to the king? they meet when a bishop dies, and choose three persons, of whom the crown is to appoint one. Should the crown disapprove of all the three, they proceed to choose three others, and so on, until their choice is such as to meet the approbation of his Majesty. What more is it possible for them to do, in proof of their loyalty and attachment to the crown.

The Right Hon. Gentleman next read part of a letter he lately received from Mr. Plunket, who sat in the last parliament, and who was distinguished for his knowledge and his eloquence. From this letter it appeared, that nine in ten of

the protestants of Ireland, including the clergy, were in favour of the claims of their catholic fellow subjects, and if that be the case, will not the protestants in Ireland be allowed to know best what is for their interest and safety, at least as well as the protestants of Scotland and England.

Mr. Yorke wished to know on what authority the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Ponsonby) stated that the catholics were willing to submit the nomination of the bishops to his Majesty.

Mr. Ponsonby said, that in a conversation with Dr. Milner, who was the representative of the catholic clergy, he assured him that the body had determined to have no other head but the king, if the prayer of their petition were granted.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that the Right Hon. Gentleman and his colleagues, when in office, endeavoured to put off the subject, and most wisely and politically did so; but now they told the house it could not be brought forward too soon, and it could not be too much discussed. How came this new light to burst so strongly upon them, except that they were then in power, and now that they were out of it.---How could this happen without making it a question of party? They brought forward their bill, they launched it, indeed, in that house, but they were content to withdraw it, from the important consideration of the country being continued longer in possession of their superior services. From these, however, he begged to except the Right Hon. Gentleman who brought forward the question of that night in a way so conciliating, and with such moderation, as entitled him to the thanks of that house, and of all parties concerned in it. The Right Hon. Gentleman then went into several arguments against the measure, and concluded by giving it his decided negative.

Mr. Whitbread, at considerable length, answered many of the arguments urged by the Chancellor of the Exchequer; and concluded by saying, that he was sure the time was not far distant when concessions would be made to the catholics--perhaps unanimously---perhaps too late.

Colonel Hutchinson, after a few general observations, urged the necessity of adjourning the debate, and concluded by moving that it be adjourned.

After a few words on the same side from General Mathew, the question being loudly called for, the house divided, when there appeared,

For adjourning the debate, 118.---Against it, 298.---Majority against the adjournment, 180.

A second division took place, viz. upon Mr. Grattan's' original motion for referring the petition to a committee. For the going into a committee, 128.---Against it, 281.--Majority against the petition, 153.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

CATHOLIC PETITION.

May 5. Lord Grenville had given notice on a former day that he should bring under their lordship's discussion the subject of the catholic petition, on the 13th of this month. His lordship rose to postpone the day of discussion to the 27th, in consequence of the unavoidable absence of the Right Hon. Earl Grey.

May 27. The order of the day being read, for taking into consideration the petition presented on behalf of the catholics of Ireland,

Lord Grenville moved that the petition be read. The petition having been read accordingly,

Lord Grenville rose, agreeably to notice, to move that the prayer of the petition be referred to a committee. "Before I enter on the arguments which, in my mind, should induce your lordships to accede to my motion, I have a few observations to premise respecting the causes of the delay that has occurred in bringing forward this motion, and the reasons which incline me rather to rejoice in, than to regret that delay. When I first gave notice of my motion, I expected to have had the support of a noble friend (Lord Grey), whose support on all occasions is so desirable, but more especially on a subject which my noble friend is known to have extremeby at heart. Domestic calamities, and an urgency of private affairs, compelled my noble friend to leave town before the day first appointed for the present motion. In the expectation, however, that he would be able shortly to return to

his parliamentary duty, I deferred my motion for a fortnight longer. But a fresh domestic calamity befel my noble friend, and prevented his return to town at the time he expected. I enter into this explanation of the delay, lest it may be misinterpreted, and lest it should be suspected that any alteration has taken place in the sentiments of my noble friend, upon this most important question: so far from that being the case, I have the express request of my noble friend to declare, that every day's experience makes him cling more closely to these sentiments; that he entertains them to the full extent of what he has so often expressed, and that it is no small addition to the sufferings which occasion his absence, to be deprived of the opportunity of again declaring them in his place. But in other respects I am rather glad than sorry for the delay, as circumstances have since occurred, that make the delay not only not a subject of regret, but of satisfaction, and which opens to me a fairer prospect of the future success of the measure I am now anxious to press upon the attention of your lordships. Only two days ago this question was Brought forward in another place, and when I say that it was treated with superior talent and ability, it is only saying what is naturally to be expected from the acknowledged powers of the person who undertook it.

But much as every man must admire the display of genius and talent on that occasion, I most rejoice at the temper, the prudence, and the circumspection with which the matter was handled, and the impression which that temperate and conciliating manner has made on the minds of those to whom it was addressed. In what I have to offer on the same subject, though I despair of being able to exert the same abilities, I shall, however, endeavour to imitate the same temper, and I trust it will produce the same favourable impression. Had I brought forward my motion on the day which I had first appointed for its discussion, I should have been deprived of this example, and unsupported by the flattering hopes with which the force of that example inspires me of the future issue of the question. Indeed I stand in need of something to cheer the gloom which hangs upon the general state of things, and which has thicker.ed so considerably since I had last the honour of calling

their lordships' attention to this important, delicate, and awful subject. At that period, it is true, the attitude of the enemy was formidable. The trenches had been opened, but they are now far advanced, and the line of circumvallation is drawing closer around us. The dangers of the country were then comparatively remote, but they are now impending over us; we are on the point, we touch on the moment of feeling the storm burst upon us. I imagine I already hear the trumpet sounding the charge. Under circumstances of such just alarm, what has the government to look to, but to the united hands and hearts of the inhabitants of the two kingdoms; and such is the moment, that the great majority of the inhabitants of Ireland press forward with earnest offers of sharing our dangers, of co-operating in our efforts, to resist and repel them. Their offers and their wishes they address to parlia-ment, to which they look as the only source, not only of protection and liberty, but of all the benefits and blessings that directly flow from the constitution. Your lordships have heard their petition read, and have now to consider the nature and object of its prayer."

His lordship then proceeded to state, that the motion he should conclude with, would be for a committee to take the object of the petition into consideration. "It is my individual opinion (continued his lordship,) that the prayer of the petition should be conceded to in its utmost extent. But as many noble lords will doubtless differ from me on this point, I wish the objects of the petition to be fully discussed, that the house may examine how far it is safe and expedient to grant more or less of the prayer of the petition, and see that nothing of what they may be disposed to grant, will affect the existing establishment in church and state; and if all the inconveniences and evils of which the petition complained, cannot immediately be removed, to enquire at least how far some of them may be remedied, or mitigated, that thus a disposition may be shown to listen to their representations with patience and attention, and to redress their grievances as far as wisdom may direct, and prudence allow. These are subjects to which I have long turned my mind; they were often the subject of the meditation of that great statesman (Mr. Pitt), of whose counVOL. I. Q