VOL. XVI. No. 6.] LONDON, SATURDAY, AUGUST 12, 1809. 161] [Price 18. -[162 he had murdered one of the most near and dear to us, we should not feel anger at seeing him, by an attempt to loose his arms, signify a wish to slacken the death SUMMARY OF POLITICS. MR. WARDLE. In my last, I had merely time just to notice the Debate in the City of London, and to insert the Re-doing cord. We may, indeed, be unsolutions. I shall now offer a few remarks upon the subject. It would be absurd to feel surprise at any attempt to impose upon the public, on the part of those, whose plunder, after having been so long quietly enjoyed, is now in jeopardy, and who must know, that, unless they succeed in blinding and alarming the public, that plunder must and will be taken from them. It is an old saying, "that light come light go;" but, this only applies as to the manner of expending; it does not mean, that those who get their money lightly, are easily induced to return it to its right owners. Who ever saw a thief willing to give up what he had stolen, or less anxious than other men to keep possession of his goods?The peculators, therefore, and public robbers of every description (and a tribe of no small number are they) are, in attacking Mr. Wardle, doing no more than every reasonable man must expect them to do; and, if Mr. Wardle was not prepared for hostility of this sort; of all the sorts that he has met with, and of every sort that public-robbery, fighting for its life, is capable of resorting to, he was not, and is not, fit for the undertaking upon which he has en-dicious friends, must prevail. Nothing tered, and which was of no use at all, can prevent this. The time may be made unless it proceeded on to those effects, more or less distant; but, prevail the cause which would naturally lead to a state of must. Events are working for it. It dedesperation in the peculators. Nor ought pends not upon the intrigues of this faction he to feel any thing like anger against them or that faction. It does not depend even for their attempts against him; for all upon the opinions of the public. It detheir misrepresentations and calumnies,pends upon events, which, if it be wanted, and all the base arts they have resorted will make a public sentiment. to. Their peculations and robberies of point, and compel, a reform of abuses of all various descriptions, indeed, these were, sorts; and that man must, I think, be and still are, well calculated to excite his blind indeed, who does not see those events anger; but, anger is not the feeling to en-fast approaching. Why, then, should those tertain against them for their conduct to-who, like Mr. Wardle, are labouring in the wards him, which conduct is, really, no public cause; why should such a man fret more than a very natural endeavour at self-preservation. We feel anger against the house-breaker, when he disturbs our quiet and puts us in fear for our lives; but, when at the last scene, even though moved to compassion by the convulsive. Events will at the calumnies that are heaped upon him? If such were not the case, he might be sure, that he merited not the praises which have been bestowed upon him. Such calumnies are the proof, and, indeed, F It the only indubitable proof, of a man's power speeches of Mr. GOODBEHERE and Mr. and will to assist in the destruction of pub- WAITHMAN, every thing omitted, which lic robbery. Look at the scare-crow. seems to have been dictated by angry feelhas all the appearance of an enemy of the ings. It is not for us, who see, as clear winged depredators; but, when a living as daylight, the swift approach of the fall man comes to the spot, you see the dif- of our and our country's worst enemies; ference in the two by the terror which the it is not for us to be angry. The day of latter excites in the thieving flock, who, their fall cannot be at a great distance. in a moment, are all in commotion and The day of the restoration of the constituuproar. It is so with the public robbers, tion; the day of the confusion and destructhan whom no animals in the creation are tion of infamous corruptions cannot be far more sagacious in discovering their real off; it must be at hand; we want it to from their seeming enemies.- -Hence come; we see it coming, and, therefore, their implacable hatred against Sir Francis why should we be angry.- -The Debate Burdett, for which, to superficial observers, in the COMMON COUNCIL of London, the there appears not sufficient cause. Many whole of which, from the STATESMAN of them have had much more bitter ene- Evening Paper, I have inserted below, in mies, to all appearance; much more bois- order, not only to add to the width of its terous, more violent, and more persevering circulation, but to put it more safely upon assailants; but, still, they appear never to record than it could have been in any of have cordially hated them; or, if they did, those publications which never assume the their hatred was not of long duration; shape of a book; this Debate is of as great there was in it nothing partaking of that consequence as any one that I remember fiend-like hatred which they entertain to- ever to have read. It is, in my opinion, wards Sir Francis, who, by the wives and of infinitely more importance to this nachildren of provincial peculators, is looked tion, than will be, or can be, the operations upon as a sort of savage, living upon the of the Grand Expedition. The latter may carcases of murdered gentlefolks, or, at destroy the ships and arsenals at ANTWERP; least, upon raw meat and wild roots. but, the former has made thousands and There is a very solid reason for this ha-hundreds of thousands of Englishmen thinktred. They know, that Sir Francis's en-rightly upon a great point in politics, mity to them is not a sham. They know it to be real. They know that it is out of their power either to drive him or to seduce him from it. They know that there is no safety for them while he is alive. In short, they hate him for the same reasons that all mankind hate pain and death. Would it not, then, argue great weakness in him, if he were to feel anger at them on account of this hatred ?—No, no; anger is not the feeling that becomes any man so situated. He has no reason to be angry on his own account, becauseing the freedom of England; that is to the hostility, which he experiences, he say, the full enjoyment, on the part of himself has provoked. Quite properly the people, of their property as well as provoked, indeed; but still he cannot rea- their personal liberty; if the employment sonably be angry, with those who spit of our fleets and armies has not this tendency, their venom at him, and who would not my view of the matter is, that their emhave done so if he had suffered them toployment is much worse than useless; be quiet. It is right, and it is a duty, to crush and destroy the viper, if you come athwart him; but, if, while you are endeavouring to destroy him, he should en-scruple in saying that the proceedings in 'deavour to fix his poisonous tooth in you, you could not, in reason, blame him; and, to say nothing of the folly of it, to be angry with him would really argue a want of common justice.- -For these reasons it is, that I could have wished, in the wherein they were before deceived. The ships and arsenals at Antwerp are not worth one of the topics of Mr. Goodbehere's or Mr. Waithman's speech; for, after all, what is it we are fighting for? What is it that this army and the other army and all the ships of war are employed in hostilities for? There may be people, who have other views of the matter; but, in my view of it, if they are not employed for, or, if their employment does not tend towards, the preserving, or restor and, this being the great purpose for which all rational men must wish to see fleets and armies employed, I have no the Common Council are of more impor tance to the nation, than are, or can be, the operations of the Grand Expedition. -Seldom has there appeared, in that way, any thing more complete than the Speeches above mentioned. They em brace, as the reader will see, every topic;, of a pettifogger, granting to the said pettinothing, bearing the semblance of argu- fogger a share in the plunder to be exment, is left unanswered; every trick, torted; if such were the conduct of a every falsehood, every attempt at decep- man, he would merit universal execration; tion, is exposed. Two correspondents, to or, rather (which would be the more ap-. whose letters it was my wish to attend this propriate punishment) he would deserve week, will have the goodness to excuse to be confined for life to the society of the delay; for, there is nothing that ap- the said pettifogger and his half-famished pears to me of so much importance as race; but, what Mr. Wardle gave his these Speeches. They have, perhaps, money for, if he did give any, was the been read by every body in the country; truth. This his assailants are obliged to but, they should be read again, and should allow; because, if they do not, they disbe frequently referred to. To these credit the testimony of Mrs. Clarke altoSpeeches there is nothing to add by way gether, and that does not now suit their of observation on the conduct of Mr. purpose. But, what must be the impu Wardle, which, with men of sense, never dence of these hirelings, who affect to restood in need of any justification. One or gard it as a scandalous act in Mr. Wardle two instances, however, of the impudence, to have given, or promised to give, money of the sheer, barefaced impudence, of or goods, to obtain the evidence of Mrs. those who, upon the recent occasion, have Clarke, when the law holds out to every assailed Mr. Wardle, I cannot help again man of us the promise of money, if we noticing. They inveigh most bitterly will, in certain cases, inform against one against Mr. Wardle's purchasing, as they another. You pay me five pounds, for incall it, the evidence of Mrs. Clarke against stance; I give you a receipt without a the Duke of York. They take it for stamp upon it; and, the legislature offers granted, that he did promise to pay for the me twenty pounds if I will inform against goods, and that this was one of the condi- you for having taken the said unstamped tions, upon which she was to give her evi- receipt. What impudence, then, must dence; and this they call bribery. Now, that man have, who pretends, and who unless they agree, that what she said asserts it in print, that a man is guilty against the Duke of York was true, they of " bribery,' who gives money to a cannot pretend that she ought to be be- person to become a witness, in behalf of lieved against Mr. Wardie: and, if they the public, against a person employed and do agree to this, then it was, upon their paid by that public? But, as has uniformly own confession, the truth that Mr. Wardie been the case, these hirelings always propromised to give her goods for speaking. ceed as it were upon a settled maxim, that Their charge, then, amounts to this, that nothing is foul, nothing is unfair, nothing he promised to give her something, or, is ungenerous, that is employed by the which is the same thing, did give her, government against the people; but, that something in order to induce her to give every thing is ungenerous, unfair, foul, true evidence against the Duke of York as and treacherous, that any one employs to the manner in which, in certain cases, against a public functionary, in behalf of the public's commissions, or the public's the people; insolence so gross as which money, were disposed of. And, is this never was offered with impunity to any matter of accusation? I put this case be- other civilized people upon earth.--It fore to Mr. Windham, whether a man is worthy of general remark, and it is eswould not be blamed, and, indeed, called pecially worthy of the remark of the Royal a traitor, if, having it in his power, he Family, that the papers, commonly called were not, if necessary, to promise, or to ministerial, and particularly the COURIER, give, money to a person to get possession which was amongst the loudest, if not the of proof of a conspiracy against the life of very loudest, in praise of Mr. Wardle, as the king? Would it, in such a case, be long as his efforts were directed exclusively called "bribery" to give money for the ob- against the Duke of York, turned round and taining of such proof? If, indeed, a man, assailed him the moment he intimated his in order to gratify his political malice, or resolution to direct those efforts into other dehis passions of any sort, were to give, or partments; and, especially when he joined promise, money or goods to an ignorant the standard of Parliamentary Reform. This wretch to give false evidence, and were to fact, which was too evident and too harden the poor-creature's conscience by striking to escape any body, ought to be the catechising of a double-distilled knave had in remembrance. The truth is, that nay this, and several other of the newspapers, they must have her in one or the other appear to have been very well pleased at of these characters; a compiler of forgeries, the attacks of Mr. Wardle, so long as they or a suppresser of truths; and that, too, for bore upon the royal family, or any part of the sake of money. To leave no doubt, it; and, in this respect, these writers are however, as to my own opinion upon this by no means singular, it being evidently point, I must say, that I am fully con the object of no small number of people, vinced, that what she had prepared for to keep that family as much in the shade publication, and sent to the press, was as possible, the motive for which is very perfectly authentic. Strictly speaking, I do clearly explained in the Speech of Sir not think she had, after what had passed, Francis Burdett upon the subject of Parlia- a right to suppress the book, which supmentary Reform.- -Mr. Wardle should, pression did, as I observed at the time, I repeat it; nay, in justice to himself and argue a great want of principle; but, she the public, he must develope the history had rendered the country great services of the Suppression of Mrs. Clarke's Book; (services which will always be acknowJet the people of this country know who ledged by me), and, if the suppression paid the money for that suppression; who was gave her means of future happiness, that, the agent or negociator; and what were the to me, was some consolation for the loss Conditions. The rumour is too general; of the book. Now, however, when she it has been positively stated, in these has become a witness against Mr. Wardle, very newspapers, that the Book was sup- and when she has become, too, his aspressed, in consequence of the payment sailant in print (where, by the bye, she of money to Mrs. Clarke; that money is does not cut much of a figure); in short, stated at £.7,000 down, and the worth of when it is evident, that, if possible, she is to eight or ten thousand in annuities upon be made the instrument of undoing all the herself and relations. This has been dis- good, which, through her means, has been tinctly stated in these newspapers; and, done; when this is obviously the case, it as we know what the Book was advertised is above all things important to ascertain to contain, it must be of vast public im- and expose the source and the channel, portance to know the history of the sup- whence and through which came the pression; the whole history of it from the means that produced the suppression of the beginning to the end.-Those who affect Book. Let no one tell me, that this is a to discover, in the late Trial, great cause private concern. It will not do to tell me for blaming Mr. Wardle, will hardly deny, that, who see the ministerial papers giving that they were truths, which Mrs. Clarke an account of what passes between me meant to publish in her book. I say, they and my servants. No: this is no private will now hardly suppose, that this their matter. The Book was advertised as being non-pareil of a witness AGAINST Mr. in the press; its contents (all of a public Wardle had put together a bundle of false-nature) were pretty fully described; those hoods and forgeries and sent them to the contents are now public property; and, if press. No; they will not suppose this. we have them not, let us know, at least, They must suppose, that she had got who it was that paid for their suppression. truths in the press; and, besides, if they One of the papers afore-mentioned has obwere not truths, why were they bought at served," that these contents relate merely such a price? Nobody would have given" to family matters, and are of no public such a price for the suppression of falsecousequence whatever." What! pay boods. However, our antagonists may twenty thousand pounds, perhaps, for the take their choice. It shall be, if they suppression of a few family anecdotes! Oh, like it, a book full of forgeries that were no! It never can be. It is impossible, suppressed, and then, what becomes of that the anecdotes of any family can be the excellence of their witness against Mr. worth so much money. But, at any rate, Wardle; for, no one would certainly place what harm is there in our knowing whe much reliance upon a person who had it was that paid the money, and who it come reeking from the occupation of put- was that conducted the negociation ? ting together a book full of forgeries. These facts are necessary. These facts, Well, then, let them be truths, if they with which, one would think, Mr. Wardle choose; but, then, let them remember, must be acquainted, he owes to the public that the means had been found, by the and to his own character, it being quite new nesec Difcowith, rs. Clarke, to pre-impossible, that we should see the real source of the machinations against him, Vail se truths. So, until we see the source of those means warlike stores, cloathing, horses, and every which procured the suppression of Mrs. thing necessary for war upon a large Clarke's Book; therefore, again and again scale; plenty of time for forming the I say, let us have the history of this sup-universal Spanish nation" into regiments pression. Though the Book be suppressed, and armies; plenty of time for training a or, at least, kept out of sight for a while; million of them to arms; and, in short, it though we cannot read the book, we shall will be impudence without example, if we be able to draw all the useful conclusions, should pretend that we have wanted time when we know precisely who paid the for any thing. Let the nation fix its eyes money and who made the bargain. upon this scene, of far more importance than that upon the Scheldt, and let us take care to bear in mind, what the hireling prints now give us as the state of Spain. They tell us that king Joseph, when the last advices came away, was deliberating, whether he should defend, or abandon Madrid, upon the approach of the joint force of the Spaniards and the English; that Cuesta and "the gallant Sir Arthur" were driving Victor before them; that Soult's army was reduced to five thousand men; and, in short, that there was every reason to suppose, that the remains of the French would soon be compelled to flee from Spain, or to lay down their arms.-—————Į beseech the reader to bear this in mind. This is the state, in which they tell us, that Lord Wellesley will find Spain. Now, then, if Buonaparté is not beaten out of Spain; if he now conquers Spain; if, after this, he becomes master of it, how shall we find the face to talk of what we are able to do against him upon land? What, if we had pursued the right plan, might not have been done with this country! If we had acted upon that advice, which I gave, and which was given, with so many additional and such forcible reasons, by the Edinburgh Reviewers, Spain would, at this moment, have presented a forest of bayonets to the breasts of the French. But, who did not foresee, that if war was to be made for Ferdinand; if it was to be a contest for a choice of kings, and nothing more; who did not foresee, that, in such case, the advantage would all be upon the side of him, who presented the people with a change? Every man in his senses must have foreseen this; but, it was resolved, that we should, at any rate, make war for a king; and, in all human probability the consequence naturally to be expected will take place. We are always talking about what Buonaparté does against such and such nations, never appearing to perceive, that he does any thing for them; but, in order to come to a correct opinion of what is likely to be the disposition of the people towards Buo naparté, we ought to inquire whether he SPAIN.Whatever degree of regret the defeat of the Austrians may be calculated to excite, it is attended with this one agreeable circumstance, namely, that, in all probability, it will occasion what so many persons have ardently wished for, a rencontre between Buonaparté and our Indian Conqueror, who, if the news-papers be correct, has, at last, set off for the Southern Peninsula, accompanied with his brother, famed in diplomatic lore in the East. It will be a day of great and awful expectation, when these two great Captains meet. Napoleon has been accustomed to combat against inferiors; but, here is conqueror for conqueror. Our conqueror has conquered as many countries, I believe, and as much territory and as many inhabitants as Napoleon has ever conquered. "The Conqueror of the East," as he is called in Leadenhall Street, is now (thank God!) about to meet the Conqueror of the West face to face. Yet, some how or other, I do not perceive, amongst "the "loyal," any of those exultations that one might have expected upon an occasion of such promise. They do not seem in feather. They are much more modest than I have ever known them. One thing is certain, that, if we do not beat Napoleon now, we may give the thing up, as far, at least, as relates to land operations; for, we have possession of the country before him; we can do what we please with the government there; we have the positive assurance of the king's declaration, that the universal Spanish nation" is upon our side; and we have all the heroism and all the talents of all the Wellesleys to conduct our affairs, diplomatic as well as military. Now, then, we shall see who wins the day. We shall, I trust, listen to no excuses of any sort. We have an abundance and a superabundance of time for preparation. Napoleon has been obliged to leave the country for nearly eight months. It will, in all likelihood, be two months more before he will be able to reenter Spain. We have had time sufficient, and more than sufficient, for sending troops, |