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England be said to have dictated the miserable policy which has marked our conduct towards Spain, because it was the universal and animated wish of the nation to afford effectual assistance and relief to that unhappy country.-The present system of administering the English constitu tion is said by the reviewers to be "expedient." It is pretended that the three great balancing powers of king, lords, and commons, cannot perform their operations with smoothness and effect without narrowing the sphere of their action, and concentrating their force in the house of commons; and this is to prevent those rude collisions which have heretofore sub

lowers. The good sense and honesty of the country retire abashed, and ashamed of such company, and suffer quietly the growing injuries brought upon them by this cormorant crew, rather than encounter open insult, and brutal violence: But this disgraceful apathy cannot, nor ought not, to continue much longer. Truth and honesty must triumph at last. Had Mr. Pitt listened in 1793 to the real voice of the nation, and distrusted a little the suggestions of his own political wisdom, or vanity, he would scarcely have plunged the country into a war, merely on account of the paltry provocations of the then unstable and mad government of France. But Mr. Pitt falsely calculated upon hum-verted the monarchy. This union of the bling this haughty enemy, and upon himself cutting a brilliant figure in the negotiations of Europe. If instead of upholding this measure by extravagant exaggerations of the danger of French principles, and French revolutions, he had kept a tight hand upon the few factions at home, and had conceded to the just demands of the major and reasonable part of the country; redressed their grievances, and regulated the representation, even according to his own expressed judgment, he would have established his fame on a much more solid foundation than it rests upon at the present day. It is from this time that we are to date the rapid accumulation of our most pressing calamities. The rupture of Addington's treaty was evidently popular, because to abide by it was evidently more dangerous than war. It is the same conviction that upholds the popularity of the war at this moment; it is popular by necessity; if that can be said to be popular which admits not of a choice. But we are not hence to conclude, that the people are accessory to their own degradation, because they acquiesce in an unavoidable evil. So far from the people being at any time anxious or clamourous for war, it may be securely laid down as a principle that the real popular sentiment of all countries is ever in opposition to begin war under any circumstances. When a war is once begun, it is true, that the people may be artfully led by a thousand ways to give it in appearance their sanction. Even the best feelings of their nature; honour, national-pride, patriotism, may be entrapped into this service. But it would be highly unjust, therefore, to reproach them with being the cause of the distresses which the result might bring upon them. As well might the people of

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three great controuling powers, which is in fact a collusion against the people, they have the barefacedness to denominate the "true principles of the English constitution." They might as well have said at once, what would scarcely have deserved more contempt; that in order to secure the people from the effects of corruption, is to make it more certain, and practicable, by making it easier to be accomplished. It is no information or satisfaction to us to be told that this has been the practice since the æra of the Revolution. We know it has, and we also know full well the consequences. It is because it has so long been practised, and that it does at this moment exist, that we complain: nor shall we cease to complain till it is reme died, that is, till a free and full repre sentation of the people is established. The Edinburgh Reviewers may flourish their eloquence as much as they please on the weakness and corruption of human nature, and on the impossibility of making any alteration for the better, in the house of commons, so long as it is so. We think that there is, at least, as much reason, and philosophy too, in the plan that goes to remove temptation out of its way, as in that which professes to establish a basis of corruption upon principle, and then justifies its pernicious effects on the plea of expediency.To support this argument, they, as well as all others who have advanced it, have recourse to the examples which occurred in the reign of the Stuarts. It is triumphantly asserted that their misfortunes are to be attributed to an attempt to abide by the theory of the constitution, and neglecting to establish an influence in the house of commons: while the abominable attempts of the whole of this family to overturn the constitution altogether, are

THIKE

carefully kep out of sight. Hume, who is the acknowledged apologist of the Stuarts, does not however venture to legitimate this practice in their behalf. And in his Essays on Government, where it is to be remembered that he speaks speculatively, though he thinks that the king must have an influence there, to counteract the omnipotence of the commons, it never entered his head that the aristocracy must have one also; and he is particularly cautious to state the difficulty of pointing out the due proportion to be allowed, and even laments the impossibility of doing so with any degree of certainty or efficacy: "There is," says he," in this case a peculiar difficulty, "which would embarrass the most know"ing, and most impartial examiner." Mr. Laing too, in his history, though he points out the neglect of this measure as the cause of the unhappy convulsions which agitated the country in the reign of the Stuarts, he is far from recommending it, like the Edinburgh Reviewers, either as a necessary or a constitutional proceeding. Both these historians have on the other hand bestowed upon the Stuarts the general character, they so justly deserved, of being arbitrary and bigoted to the last degree. In fact the whole period of their reign was an attempt to establish absolute power, and to destroy those rights and privileges of the people, which they had sworn to maintain inviolate. Are we then to illustrate new maxims of government, and to justify encroachments upon the English Constitution, from examples of this nature? Could the Stuarts have been satisfied to have reigned according to the laws of England, their posterity might at this moment have been on its throne, and, by so reigning, the Edinburgh Reviewers would have been deprived of the opportunity of exercising their ingenuity at the expense of their judgment and candour, in defending a system which in their consciences they cannot approve.-There is one artifice in great vogue with the opposers of Parliamentary Reform, and which the Edinburgh Reviewers practise in common with the rest, which ought not to escape notice. It is by constantly praising, and keeping the public attention fixed upon the degree of liberty we enjoy, and the impartial distribution of justice in this our happy country. They do not perhaps recollect that we owe that impartial distribution chiefly, if not solely, to the ministers of justice being unconnected with that precious" influence," which is the idol of

their wishes. And they choose to forget, that while we have freedom of speech, and liberty of person, we are daily deprived of those comforts which make the latter an enjoyment; and that the former, when not prostituted to the basest purposes, is unhappily more in use to complain of our grievances than to extol the blessings derived from our "invaluable" constitution. The secret of this mode of conduct may be traced in the following words of the Edinburgh Reviewers, which may be referred to in the 10th Vol. p. 277, of their political lucubrations. Those who

expect to see a nation rise as one man, "in consequence of the gradual and regu"lar increase of their pecuniary burthens, "must found their hopes upon histories of "human affairs, and views of human na"ture, which the rest of the world are not "in possession of."-Being safe, therefore, on this head, they consider that the only thing necessary to secure a smooth and easy current to the present or any system of government, is to avoid shocking too rudely the public mind by any alarming encroachments on its liberty; and to leave it unmolested in the possession of its popular opinions, and prejudices. It is possible, however, that even these Machiavelian expounders may be out in their calculations. R.

Staffordshire, 1st Oct. 1809.

STATE OF SPAIN.

Sir;-How little it can be expected that the people of Spain will rise in mass to resist the French, we may draw a pretty accurate conclusion from the following passages in FISCHER'S PICTURE OF VALENCIA (translated from the German, written in 1802, lately published).—Page 172.

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IMPOSTS. These are divided into royal and manorial. The former are very inconsiderable, and are confined to what is here called the equivalent, which is a very moderate tax on income. [Valencia is not subject to the sisas or the milliones, or in general to the oppressive rentas provinciales, which are exacted in the provinces belonging to the crown of Castile.] The latter are more oppressive than in any other province of Spain. They consist in the appropriation in kind, sometimes of a fifth or sixth, at others even of one fourth or one third of the whole produce of the toil of the industrious husbandman. To this must be added, a great number of privileges or rather usurpations, such as

privileged presses, ovens, shops and posadas, which are likewise extremely oppressive. The origin of those barbarous rights must be sought in the ancient feudal system. After the conquest of Valencia in 1238, the kings of Arragon divided the lands among their nobles, who assumed the right of taxing their vassals at their own discretion. The total expulsion of the Moors in 1609, produced no alteration in this system.The farmer of this country, notwithstanding the fertility of the soil, and his own indefatigable exertions, is never able to acquire a decent competence.-Can it be surprizing, that, weary of such oppression, he should more than once have risen against the nobility and the landed proprietors in general, and should have demanded the abolition of those rights, which might with more propriety be denominated unjust usurpations?-Should, however, a revolution break out at some future period in Spain, these oppressions will, doubtless, furnish the first occasion for it. The events of 1802, are still fresh in the recollection of every reader. The government took the greatest pains to conceal them for they were of a much more serious nature than is generally supposed." B. C.

MERCHANTS IN THE ISLAND OF

ST. THOMAS.

vested, either in the funds, or in the lands, purchased in Great Britain, for the Englishman, (whose habits and modes of life. seldom coincide with those of foreigners) invariably keeps his eye fixed on his native soil, and anxiously counts the days that he is compelled to absent himself from that country and those friends, to whom he is so strongly attached. This trade, it appears then, was equally beneficial to the English government; and to the individual who carried it on; but while the merchant is engaged in his accustomed pursuits, he is surprized by a sudden declaration of war; his ships and property are overtaken at sea, (for at the time of their sailing even the possibility of a war could not have been foreseen); he is carried into an Admiralty Court, where that property, which would ultimately have been sent to England, and would have paid for those very British manufactured goods, (which under the neutral flag, he had been introducing among our enemies) is condemned as being the property of an enemy!!! These, Sir, are no imaginary evils, but a true and faithful statement of the consequences which befel many English subjects, who resided in the Danish West India islands, previous to the late declaration of war against Denmark, and a reference to the records of the West India Admiralty Courts, will but too strongly corroborate the fact.-The fore going statement, although but an outline of the subject, will, Sir, I trust, be suff cient to engage the attention of gover ment to the excessive hardship of the case; but here, Sir, unfortunately, the evil does not rest: the advantages which be longed to this port formerly, of course ceased with its neutrality; but the extravagant fees, and charges of office, which have been imposed since its capture, do in fact amount to nearly a prohibition to any vessels entering this once flourishing, but now ruined port.-I am, Sir,

A. B.

Sir; It is a fact of public notoriety that British subjects, are by their government, permitted and encouraged to reside in neutral countries, into which they annually import British manufactured goods to a considerable amount, and which (by residing under a neutral flag) they are enabled to introduce into the colonies of our enemies.-The amount of British manufactured goods, that, in time of war, are, by these means, forced into the colonies of our enemies, is truly astonishing; and is consequently highly advantageous to the English nation. The hides, coffee, cotton, and indigo, which were received from the Spaniards and others in payment of the British goods which were disposed of to them, (under the protection of the neutral flag) were shipped to England, the duties No. I.-Letter sent in duplicate to Earl Grey on which paid a very large revenue (and independent of the shipping employed) was of course highly beneficial to the nation. The profits, which in the course of time, were realized by the merchant, in prosecuting this trade, were finally

St. Thomas, July 1, 1809.

Correspondence between MR. PERCEVAL, AND
LORDS GREY AND GRENVILLE.

and Lord Grenville.

Windsor, Saturday, Sept. 23, 1809. My Lord-The Duke of Portland having signified to his Majesty his intention of retiring from his Majesty's service, is consequence of the state of his Grace's

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Majesty, humbly entreating him not to attribute to any want of attachment to his Royal Person, or to diminished zeal for his service, my declining a communication, which, on the terms proposed, could lead to no useful result, and which might be of serious detriment to the country, if, in consequence of a less decisive answer from me, any further delay should take place in the formation of a settled government. I am, &c.

health, his Majesty has authorized Lord Liverpool, in conjunction with myself, to communicate with your Lordship and Lord Grey, for the purpose of forming an extended and combined Administration.I hope, therefore, that your Lordship, in consequence of this communication, will come to town, in order that as little time as possible may be lost in forwarding this important object, and that you will have the goodness to inform me of your arrival. -I am also to acquaint your Lordship, that I have received his Majesty's commands to make a similar communication to Lord No. III.-First Answer from Lord Grenville. Grey of his majesty's pleasure.-I think it proper to add, for your Lordship's inforination, that Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Secretary Canning have intimated their intentions to resign their offices.

I have the honour to be, &c. &c.
SPENCER PERCEVAL.

No. II.-Answer from Earl Grey.

GREY.

Bocomoc, Sept. 25, 1809.

Sir, I have the honour to acknowledge your letter of the 23rd instant, and understanding it as an official signification of his Majesty's pleasure for my attendance in town, I shall lose no time in repairing thither, in humble obedience to his Majesty's commands. I must beg leave to defer, until my arrival, all observations on the other matters to which your letter relates. I have, &c. GRENVILLE.

No. IV.-Second Answer from Lord
Grenville.

Howick, Sept. 26 Sir, I have this evening had the honour of receiving your letter of the 23rd, informing me, that, in consequence of the Duke of Portland's intention of retiring from his Majesty's service, his Majesty had authorised you, in conjunction with the Earl of Liverpool, to communicate Sept. 29, 1809. with Lord Grenville and myself, for the Sir,-Having last night arrived here, in purpose of forming an extended and com- humble obedience to his Majesty's combined Administration, and expressing a mands, I think it now my duty to lose no hope, that, in consequence of this commu- time in expressing to you the necessity nication, I would go to town, in order that under which I feel myself of declining the as little time as possible may be lost in for- communication proposed in your letter; warding this important object.-Had his being satisfied that it could not, under the Majesty been pleased to signify that he circumstances there mentioned, be prohad any commands for me personally, I ductive of any public advantage.-I trust should not have lost a moment in shewing I need not say, that this opinion is neither my duty and obedience, by a prompt at- founded in any sentiment of personal tendance on his royal pleasure.-But hostility, nor in a desire of unnecessarily when it is proposed to me to communicate prolonging political differences.-To comwith his Majesty's present Ministers, for pose, not to inflame the divisions of the the purpose of forming a combined Admi- Empire, has always been my anxious wish, nistration with them, I feel that I should and is now more than ever the duty of be wanting in duty to his Majesty, and in every loyal subject; but my accession to fairness to them, if I did not frankly and at the existing Administration could, I am once declare, that such an union is, with confident, in no respect contribute to this respect to me, under the present circum- object; nor could it, I think, be considered stances, impossible. This being the an- in any other light than as a dereliction of swer that I find myself under the necessity public principle.-This answer, which I of giving, my appearance in London could must have given to any such proposal if be of no advantage, and might possibly, at made while the Government was yet ena moment like the present, be attended tire, cannot be varied by the retreat' of with some inconvenience. I have thought some of its Members.-My objections are it better to request, that you will have the not personal-they apply to the principle goodness to lay my duty at the feet of his of the Government itself, and to the cir

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cumstances which attended its appoint- | This communication was made after I had ment. I have now, therefore, only to request, that you will do me the honour of submitting, in the most respectful terms, these my humble opinions to his Majesty, accompanied by the dutiful and sincere assurance of my earnest desire at all times to testify, by all such means as are in my power, my unvaried zeal for his Majesty's I have, &c.

service.

GRENVILLE.

No. V.-Letter from Mr. Perceval to Lord Grenville.

Sept. 29, 1809 My Lord;--I lost no time in communicating to Lord Liverpool your Lordship's letter of this day.-it is with great concern that we have learnt from it, that your Lordship feels yourself under the necessity of declining the communication which I have had the honour to propose.—In proposing to your Lordship and Lord Grey, under his Majesty's authority, to communicate with Lord Liverpool and myself, not for the accession of your Lordship to the present Administration, but for the purpose of forming a combined and extended Administration, no idea existed in our minds of the necessity of any dereliction of public principle on either side.-Your Lordship may rest assured, that in communicating to his Majesty the necessity under which you feel yourself of declining the communication which I had the honour to propose to your Lordship, I will do every justice to the respectful terms, and the dutiful and sincere assurance of your Lordship's unvaried zeal for his Majesty's service, with which the expression of that necessity was accompanied.-I cannot conclude without expressing the satisfaction of Lord Liverpool and myself at your Lordship's assurance, that the failure of this proposal is not to be ascribed to any sentiment of personal hostility.

I have, &c. &c.
SP. PERCEVAL.

OFFICIAL PAPERS.

SPANISH PAPERS.-Official Account, by General Cuesta, of the Battle of Talavera, to the Secretary at War, dated Seville, Sept. 7.

Most Excellent Sir;-I removed my head-quarters on the 21st current, to Velada, according to what I mentioned in my former dispatch of the same night.,

seen at Oropesa, in the evening of that day, the gallant and illustrious army of the English. These forces having all reunited in that town, I ordered my vanguard to be placed before Velada, concluding that the firing I then discovered, was a skirmishing of our parties with an advanced body of the enemy, stationed at that time in the district of Gamonal, two leagues distant from Talavera, and which in the sequel was routed and pursued to Casar. At break of day on the 22nd, my army being assembled in the extensive plain between Velada and Talavera, I di rected that the vanguard, under the intrepid Chief Brigadier-General Don Josef de Zayas, should charge the enemy, who had been reinforced with the division of cavalry of General Latour Maubourg, and I directed that the divisions of infantry and cavalry should march in close order, that thus advancing towards Talavera, they might resist the attack, if the French should endeavour to force the entrance to this place, as they seemed to have determined. The dispatch of Zayas, No. 1. sent by this opportunity, will give you a perfect knowledge of what occurred on that morning. This communication is promised in a new Supplement to the Seville Gazette, but was not published at the time of the departure of the vessel.]— The whole army followed the vanguard, passing by Talavera, and took up a position in the olive grounds, between that town, and the river Alberche.-The British army on the night of the 21st, marched from Oropesa, and on the following morning, united with us, and while the vanguard attacked and repulsed the enemy, the English also filed off by Talavera, to take up a position on our left, according to the plan agreed. It was, Most Excellent Sir, a magnificent exhibition, when we saw the combined armies in a plain of two leagues extent, advancing upon the enemy, and most brilliant and gratifying was the admirable order, firmness and gallantry, with which this movement was performed by our allies. The whole evening of the 22nd we were réconnoitering the camp of the enemy, when we took some prisoners between the wood and the olive grounds, who could not reach their vanguard, which had been obliged to retreat in consequence of an intrepid charge by our cavalry.During the whole of the 23d nothing deserving notice happened. It was employ ed in examining the position of the ent

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